Achieving Sustainable Coastal–marine Conservation: Lessons from a Community Social Movement in Torosiaje Ecotourism Village, Indonesia

Indonesia as an archipelagic State still faces many problems regarding management of marine and coastal resources. These include degradation of coastal ecosystem, resource depletion and conflict users in coastal areas. Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) is the approach to achieve sustainable use of marine and a coastal resource which is suggested in Agenda 21 and widely accepted in many countries. This new approach is replacing traditional sectoral approach which to some extent inadequate to address the complex problems of coastal environment degradation and marine and coastal resources depletion and users conflict. ICZM in simple terms is an integration of laws and policy and cooperation of all stakeholders on the management of marine and coastal resources. This paper examines the challenges toward integrated coastal zone management in Indonesia especially, in regard to overlapping and conflicting laws and legislation related management of marine and coastal resources, public participation and conflict management.

Despite the international consensus about the benefits of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) for sustainable resource governance, Indigenous peoples and local communities continue to face threats to their self-governance stemming from shortsighted government regulations, marginalization, and other global political economy forces. To contribute to scholarship on the impact of social movements on CBNRM organization and robustness, in this article we focus on the role that Indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) plays in the social movement’s struggles against threats to their CBNRM system. Specifically, we present the results from a qualitative meta-analysis of 20 cases extracted from a previous literature review (Villamayor-Tomas & García-López 2018). Through our analyses we explore the extent to which different ILK dimensions are a) part of the baseline CBNRM system; b) impacted by the threats to the CBNRM system; c) mobilized by social movements in their struggle to defend the CBNRM system; and d) affected by the outcomes of the social movement’s struggle. Our results show that ILK is affected by threats to CBNRM both directly (e.g., via the erosion of ILK-based institutions that govern the CBNRM system) and indirectly (e.g., via the erosion of the natural environments in which ILK develops). We also highlight that social movements mobilize different ILK dimensions depending on the socio-political context, the locally perceived nature of threats, and the perceived importance of certain ILK dimensions for community cohesion and collective action strengthening. Finally, we reflect on how, although conceptualizing ILK dimensions and CBNRM system separately and formalizing their linkages might offer new research opportunities, ILK systems are holistic knowledge commons that are hard to disentangle from the physical commons in the context of CBNRM systems.

How prominent are coastal and marine environments in Australia's natural resource management regions? A reflection of past arrangements and current conditions

Literature on environmental governance has shown renewed interest in polycentricity and polycentric governance, a perspective that has been first suggested by Vincent and Elinor Ostrom throughout studies of metropolitan governance in the sixties. This paper is to provide greater clarity to the recent discussions of polycentricity by introducing the polycentricity approach based on the different roles that the concepts of polycentricity and polycentric governance and associated theoretical claims adopt in research on environmental governance. The polycentricity approach aims to connect these perspectives in a coherent way. Based on revisiting the Ostroms’ writings on polycentricity, I distinguish between its use as ontological, operationalizing and sensitizing concept, as normative and positive theory, and as analytical framework. I use these perspectives to review the literature on environmental governance that relates to polycentric governance. The distinction of uses of concepts proves helpful to organize the literature and uncover research gaps. These gaps are: the role of constitutional and meta-constitutional rules and social problem characteristics for polycentric governance, ways to distinguish the domain of overarching rules and the domain of polycentric governance, the way polycentric governance shapes public agents’ behavior in acts of public service provision, and the relation between constitutional rules, polycentric governance structures and innovative criteria to evaluate social-ecological system performance such as robustness, resilience, etc. The polycentricity approach allows us to coherently link these gaps in one framework guiding research.

Like many developing countries, Ghana is grappling with environmental issues, such as the degradation of coastal natural resources. In an attempt to ameliorate the current state of affairs, broad institutional arrangements and policy interventions have been put in place. However coastal natural resources are still being overexploited and the effects of this are felt more strongly by certain groups (such as women and the rural poor) than others. This has led to the argument pointing to an urgent need to include local resource users as active participants in environmental decision making and to incorporate their environmental values in the management of coastal natural resources. Using empirical data from women in two Ghanaian coastal communities, this paper highlights the importance of exploring how the environmental attitudes and values of women might be considered in the management of local coastal natural resources. It assesses effectiveness of the paired comparison methodology in this respects and how this method can be also used to prioritise their environmental concerns. The results show that in both areas respondents place the greatest importance on the coastal natural resources as sources of wealth creation and of food, values which are often described as being “anthropocentric”. The paper thus argues that having discovered that the ecological value placed on natural resources is low, initiatives that could win the support of people would be those that link the livelihood and wellbeing to coastal NRM. It emphasizes the fact that conservation cannot exist outside of people and social systems; nor will it succeed unless they are linked to the welfare of resource users.

This research aims to analyze the challenges, role of government, and understanding of stakeholders in managing marine and coastal resources in Indonesia through the Blue Accounting approach. This research uses qualitative methodology with literature analysis of twenty-five relevant articles. The data was analyzed to identify the main challenges, government role, and stakeholder understanding in implementing Blue Accounting. Management of marine and coastal resources in Indonesia faces various challenges, including inadequate infrastructure and low public awareness. The government's role is critical in developing regulations, coordinating conservation efforts, and involving stakeholders. Stakeholder understanding of Blue Accounting and multi-stakeholder collaboration have proven effective in overcoming these challenges and improving resource welfare. This research provides insight into the importance of strong regulation, public education, and collaboration between governments, communities, and the private sector in the management of marine and coastal resources. The practical implications are the need to develop a blue accounting model that is more integrated with information and communication technology to improve the effectiveness of environmental monitoring and management. The study emphasizes the importance of data-based Blue Accounting approaches and multi-stakeholder collaboration in marine and coastal resource management, which has not been much applied in previous research.

While scholarly discussions of citizenship, social movements and racial identity-formation have generally remained distinct, these social institutions and processes are intimately connected. Official policies of exclusion from citizenship according to race have drawn boundaries solidifying subordinated racial identity, which then forms the basis for collective action in response to shifting state policies. Forms of domination are thus two-edged; exclusion of officially specified groups has the unintended consequence of defining, legitimating and provoking group identity and mobilization, forging struggles for inclusion between state agents and emerging political actors. This dynamic has generally been overlooked by those theorists of social movements, who have focused on relative deprivation, resource mobilization and responses to political opportunities, without explaining the related process of identity formation.

We examined majority group members' collective action on behalf of a minority group, focusing on the role of outgroup perspective taking and group-based guilt. As expected, outgroup perspective taking was positively associated with heterosexuals' collective action in response to hate crimes against non-heterosexuals and Whites' action in response to hate crimes against Blacks (Studies 1 and 2). This association was partially mediated by group-based guilt (Studies 2 and 3). We also examined the role of group-based anger; although it directly related to collective action, it did not mediate the association between perspective taking and collective action. Finally, we manipulated outgroup perspective taking to demonstrate its causal role in the subsequent outcomes (Study 3).

Community-based natural resource management: governing the commons

The dynamics of poverty–environment linkages in the coastal zone of Ghana

The establishment, persistence, and scaling of marine community-based natural resource management in four coastal districts in Tanzania

UNEP’s Regional Seas Programme: approach, experience and future plans

One model of ownership of access and the management of coastal and marine resources is a communal property widely applied to indigenous peoples who have ”hak ulayat” (customary rights) over coastal and marine areas. This article aims to analyze and deeply describe the traditional knowledge systems and coastal resource management of the Tobati-Enggros coastal fishermen. This research is a qualitative descriptive study using an ethnographic approach. The data collection techniques used were in-depth interviews and field observations. The data analysis is interpretive descriptive. The results showed the traditional maritime knowledge system in Tobati-Enggros fishers includes the nature of the marine coast, fishing gears, types of fishing, and fishing season. Management of Coastal Resources is also regulated in the Customary Authority under the leadership of ”Keondoafian” (tribal chief) by implementing Manjo in managing coastal resources. This shows that the existence of Manjo customary law and subsistence utilization patterns, based on traditional knowledge systems, the Tobati-Enggros fishing community has local wisdom values closely connected with the aim of marine conservation.

There exists a broad body of scholarly work that focuses on how communities, and individuals therein, mobilize, respond, and harvest collective action in response to tragedy. Despite this interest, there remains a dearth of empirical investigation into the complex intersections of tragedy, sport, and community. Utilizing qualitative approaches to discourse analysis and quantitative measures of sentiment, semantic, and content analysis of news media articles (n = 151) and public tweets (n = 126,393), this paper explores the ways in which public responses to the 2018 Humboldt Broncos bus crash present a relatively narrow representation of both Canadian and local Prairie identity. We conclude with a discussion of some of the implications of collective action in response to specific forms of tragedy.

States and challengers engage in continuous and recursive interaction. As McAdam (1999: xxvi) observes, what comes to be defined as a threat by challengers is itself a by-product of innovative collective action by state actors designed to counter perceived threats to the realization of their interests. If and when state actions are defined as new threats by challenging groups, responsive episodes of insurgent collective action are likely to ensue, setting the stage for yet another round of state actions in an iterative dance of stimulus and response. In this manner, state actors and challengers may create a reciprocal, interlocking helix of escalating conflict that shapes and builds the trajectory of contention. “Each [state and challenging group] defines threats and opportunities, mobilizes existent and newly created resources, undertakes innovative collective action in response to other actors' maneuvers, and in some cases transforms the course of interaction” (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 2001: 74). A major challenge facing social movement scholars is explaining how and why relations among actors and predominant forms of interaction shift significantly in the course of contention. We have already noted McAdam's call for a less movement-centric account of contentious politics. The corollary of this critique is that the dynamic role played by the state has not been fully appreciated in social movement studies: “To the extent that it enters at all, the state generally acts as a diabolus ex machina , producing opportunities, awaiting mobilization, landing heavily on some actors and facilitating others, but not participating directly in contention” (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 2001: 74).