Access to Doctoral Study for Hispanic Students: The Pragmatics of “Race” in (Recent) Texas History and Policy

Hispanic bachelor’s degree attainment has risen by 6.4% since 2012, yet only 5.5% of U.S. graduate students are Hispanic. This ethnographic study explores graduate aspirations among low-income Hispanic former dual-enrollment students in South Texas. Using Yosso’s (2005) Cultural Wealth Model, it examines six forms of cultural capital shaping their trajectories. Findings highlight dual enrollment as a key pathway but reveal mentorship gaps. Participants challenge traditional success, valuing resilience and financial stability. This study underscores the need for culturally responsive mentorship and institutional support, offering asset-based strategies to enhance Hispanic students’ social mobility and academic success.

The purpose of this study is to examine racial/ethnic and gender variations and intersectionality in the knowledge, attitudes, intentions, and behaviors pertaining to substance abuse (SA) and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/sexually transmitted disease (STD) prevention among racial/ethnic minority college students (ages 18–24) in South Texas. A total of 535 minority students completed a baseline survey between 2014 and 2016 (N = 535). Results revealed statistically significant (ranging from p < .05 to p < .001) racial/ethnic and gender variations in SA and HIV/STD prevention-related knowledge, attitudes, intentions, and behaviors. However, the significant interaction effects (i.e., intersectionality) were observed only for two of the nine composite variables. That is, although male minority students exhibited lower levels of awareness of sexual risks and safe sex negotiation skills than female minority students, Hispanic male students appeared to fare better in both awareness of sexual risks (p < .01) and safe sex negotiation skills (p < .05) compared to students of other racial/ethnic origin. Implications for prevention and intervention work involving minority college students are discussed.

I summarize the recent history of education reform and statewide testing in Texas, which led to introduction of the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS) in 1990-91. A variety of evidence in the late 1990s led a number of observers to conclude that the state of Texas had made near miraculous progress in reducing dropouts and increasing achievement. The passing scores on TAAS tests were arbitrary and discriminatory. Analyses comparing TAAS reading, writing and math scores with one another and with relevant high school grades raise doubts about the reliability and validity of TAAS scores. I discuss problems of missing students and other mirages in Texas enrollment statistics that profoundly affect both reported dropout statistics and test scores. Only 50% of minority students in Texas have been progressing from grade 9 to high school graduation since the initiation of the TAAS testing program. Since about 1982, the rates at which Black and Hispanic students are required to repeat grade 9 have climbed steadily, such that by the late 1990s, nearly 30% of Black and Hispanic students were "failing" grade 9. Cumulative rates of grade retention in Texas are almost twice as high for Black and Hispanic students as for White students. Some portion of the gains in grade 10 TAAS pass rates are illusory. The numbers of students taking the grade 10 tests who were classified as "in special education" and hence not counted in schools' accountability ratings nearly doubled between 1994 and 1998. A substantial portion of the apparent increases in TAAS pass rates in the 1990s are due to such exclusions. In the opinion of educators in Texas, schools are devoting a huge amount of time and energy preparing students specifically for TAAS, and emphasis on TAAS is hurting more than helping teaching and learning in Texas schools, particularly with at-risk students, and TAAS contributes to retention in grade and dropping out. Five different sources of evidence about rates of high school completion in Texas are compared and contrasted. The review of GED statistics indicated that there was a sharp upturn in numbers of young people taking the GED tests in Texas in the mid-1990s to avoid TAAS. A convergence of evidence indicates that during the 1990s, slightly less than 70% of students in Texas actually graduated from high school. Between 1994 and 1997, TAAS results showed a 20% increase in the percentage of students passing all three exit level TAAS tests (reading, writing and math), but TASP (a college readiness test) results showed a sharp decrease (from 65.2% to 43.3%) in the percentage of students passing all three parts (reading, math, and writing). As measured by performance on the SAT, the academic learning of secondary school students in Texas has not improved since the early 1990s, compared with SAT takers nationally. SAT-Math scores have deteriorated relative to students nationally. The gains on NAEP for Texas fail to confirm the dramatic gains apparent on TAAS. The gains on TAAS and the unbelievable decreases in dropouts during the 1990s are more illusory than real. The Texas "miracle" is more hat than cattle.

Background Developmental education (DE) has been critiqued because of its high cost, the inconclusive evidence as to its effectiveness, and the overrepresentation of underrepresented minority students required to take it. Because Black and Hispanic students are more often referred to developmental courses and may require more levels of remediation, a significant racial/ethnic achievement gap between White students and underrepresented minority students has formed in the likelihood of students earning credit for college-level courses in their first semester. Focus of Study To address these concerns, the Florida legislature passed Senate Bill 1720 in 2013, which, among other mandates, made DE (and placement tests) optional for many students. Now that this barrier to gateway course enrollment has been removed, this article seeks to understand whether there was any relationship between its removal and the achievement gap between White students and underrepresented minority students in gateway course passing rates, or gateway success, in the first semester. Research Design We employed a difference-in-differences model estimating the relationships between students’ race/ethnicity and their success in gateway courses, specifically English Composition 1 and Intermediate Algebra. Interaction terms between an indicator for the year the policy was implemented and indicators for race/ethnicity allow us to determine whether Black, Hispanic, and White students experienced differential outcomes following the policy change. Data Collection Data for this analysis came from the Florida Education Data Warehouse, the statewide student-level longitudinal database. We examined the first-semester educational trajectories of Black, White, and Hispanic students across six cohorts of students who entered one of the 28 colleges in the Florida College System between 2009 and 2014. Findings The findings indicate that now that students have the option to bypass developmental courses, Black and Hispanic students are enrolling in gateway courses at higher rates compared with White students. Further, although course-based passing rates have declined, the cohort-based passing rates for Black and Hispanic students have increased at rates higher than those of White students, which provides some evidence that the achievement gap may be closing in Intermediate Algebra. Conclusions This study illuminates an important positive outcome that has far-reaching policy implications. Results suggest that by making DE optional, there can be a reduction in, and indeed the elimination of, the racial/ethnic achievement gap in at least one measure of student success in college. These findings suggest that eliminating barriers can have a strong positive impact-at least in the short term-on the success of Black and Hispanic students.

In this study, the relationship of economic status to reading college readiness was examined for Hispanic high school students in Texas. Texas statewide data on the state-mandated English I End-of-Course exam were analyzed for two years pre-pandemic and the last four years post-pandemic. Inferential statistical analyses revealed that lower percentages of Hispanic students in poverty met the Approaches Grade Level, Meets Grade Level, and Masters Grade Level standards than Hispanic students who were not in poverty. Extremely low percentages of Hispanic students met the Masters Grade Level standard, regardless of their economic status. Of note was that almost three fourths of Hispanic students were economically disadvantaged. Implications for policy and for practice regarding the reading college-readiness of Hispanic students were provided, as well as recommendations for future research investigations.

Using state administrative data for three cohorts of college enrollees from 1997 to 2008 and incorporating propensity score matching techniques, we examine the effects of attending a Minority-Serving Institution (MSI)—that is, a Historically Black College or University (HBCU) or a Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI)—on college-completion outcomes in Texas. Descriptively, we find the gender gap among Black students to be quite stark, with more Black males than females enrolling in HBCUs, although this gap has decreased over time. The income gap is greatest among Hispanic students, with economically disadvantaged students enrolling more frequently at HSIs and those more economically advantaged enrolling in traditional institutions, or non-HSIs. To address this selection bias, we conducted a propensity score analysis in our assessment of college completion. The results indicate that, after matching similar students who attend and do not attend an MSI and conditioning on institutional capacity factors, we no longer see a difference between the bachelor’s degree completion rates of Hispanic and Black students who do enroll in an MSI and those who do not for most of the cohorts examined. Where a significant negative effect on college completion does exist for Black students attending an HBCU, the rate is considerably lower in our matched sample. In sum, our results provide strong evidence that the effect of attending an MSI does not have a consistent negative or positive effect on college-graduation outcomes after matching similar students and controlling for institutional capacity, despite these schools serving a larger share of high-need and underprepared students.

Heightened partisan rhetoric surrounding immigration, combined with increasingly punitive immigration policies, has the potential to affect how children interact with their social environment, with implications for racially and spatially variegated developmental processes. In this data visualization, the authors use data from the 2009 to 2017 waves of the National Crime Victimization Survey’s School Crime Supplement to show that Hispanic students in Texas reported a significant increase in fear of harm in 2017, a change that was not observed among among non-Hispanic white students in Texas, or among either group in California. Despite increased fear, Hispanic students in Texas did not report corresponding increases in bullying, indicating that their rising fear was attributable to something beyond peer interaction. Together, these findings highlight emergent changes in Hispanic youth’s perceived hostility alongside changes in the surrounding political and legal landscape.

Any independent reader or reviewer who took the time to read the actual evidence would have to conclude that the achievement effects of SFA are thoroughly and scientifically documented, and many reviewers have concluded exactly this, Mr. Slavin retorts. IN HIS seventh article attacking research on Success for All, Stanley Pogrow engages in his usual tactics: making baseless accusation after baseless accusation in the hope that readers, who must long ago have stopped paying attention to the content itself, will figure (incorrectly) that with so many charges, some of them must be true. The current critique is in response to an article in the June Kappan.1 This study presents Pogrow with a difficult challenge. Here is a study of 111 schools across Texas, reporting data from the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS) Reading Scale that anyone with an Internet account could easily replicate. These schools serve more than 55,000 children. Their progress was compared to that of all Texas children and to that of subgroups according to ethnicity. These whole-state comparisons were made specifically to avoid charges that we selected particular control groups after the fact to make Success for All look good. Apparently recognizing the impossibility of impeaching a study of this size, quality, and policy relevance, Pogrow spends a great deal of time rehashing decade-old criticisms about Baltimore and other issues that have nothing to do with Texas. I'll return to these. However, let's start with the Texas evaluation. Pogrow's main claim, stated at the outset, is that Success for All (SFA) couldn't possibly have worked in Texas, because SFA doesn't work. It's hard to respond to this circular reasoning. Pogrow then goes on to say that it's absurd to claim that SFA is responsible for the overall reduction in the minority/white achievement gap or for the overall rise in TAAS scores. Yet we never made any such claim. In each case, we compared the gains made by SFA students to those of other Texas students. TAAS scores did rise, but those of SFA students rose significantly more. The gap did narrow, but the gap for SFA students narrowed significantly more. Pogrow, who has opposed research involving control groups,2 does not appear to understand this most fundamental element of research design. He then criticized our comparison of scores for (mostly minority) SFA students to those of the state as a whole, on the basis that these are not equivalent groups. Yet we addressed exactly this issue in our article, making separate comparisons of African American students in SFA schools to African American students in the state as a whole and Hispanic SFA students to Hispanic students in the state as a whole. In both cases, the SFA and other students were similar at pretest, but in both cases the African American and Hispanic students in SFA schools gained significantly more than similar students elsewhere in Texas. To save readers the trouble of finding their June issue, I reproduce the relevant graphs below. Pogrow accuses us of making SFA look good by stopping our analyses with the 1998 data. At the time we wrote the June article, only 1999 data were available, and the state itself cautioned against longitudinal analyses because of the significant changes in TAAS procedures introduced in 1999. In fact, Pogrow himself cites bilingual specialists who told him exactly this and suggested doing exactly what we did - analyzing scores through 1998. However, we now have data through 2001 (see Figure 3). Once again, analyzing at the school level, SFA students gained significantly more than other Texas students. Because of the testing change in 1999, Figure 3 understates the amount of gain for both SFA and state scores, but both sets of scores are probably affected to a similar degree. Note that Figure 3 includes every school in the original study except one, which closed in 1999. Pogrow accuses us of failing to include every Texas SFA school that began the program between 1994 and 1997, as we claimed. …

The Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS) has been used to document and track an achievement gap between white and minority students in Texas. Some educators have credited the TAAS with fueling a drive to close the achievement gap while others suggest that TAAS scores may be misleading because of factors such as score inflation and a possible ceiling effect. The purpose of this study was to analyze the gap in mathematics achievement for eighth grade students. The study compared TAAS and National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test results to determine if the achievement gap between white, Hispanic, and African-American Students had narrowed between 1996 and 2000. Results indicate that TAAS mean scores increased significantly for all three ethnic groups between 1996 and 2000. Comparison of the TAAS test score frequency distributions for each ethnic group indicated that white students' scores shifted from the middle to the upper portion of the test score range while minority students' scores shifted from the lower to the middle and higher score range. Both white and minority students' TAAS test score distributions were significantly more negatively skewed in 2000 than in 1996. Comparisons between white and minority students' TAAS scores showed that white students had significantly higher scores than either Hispanic or African-American students in both 1996 and 2000. Comparison of mean score differences in 1996 and 2000 indicated that the achievement gap between white and minority students had narrowed. NAEP scores increased significantly from 1996 to 2000 for Hispanic students, but not for white or African-American students. However, test score distribution patterns showed small positive changes for all three ethnic groups. Comparisons between ethnic groups indicated that there were significant differences between white and minority students' scores in both 1996 and 2000. Comparison of mean score differences in 1996 and 2000 indicated that the achievement gap between Hispanic white students had narrowed slightly but that there was no change in the achievement gap between white and African-American students. Analysis of the TAAS test score distribution patterns indicated the likelihood that a ceiling effect had impacted students' scores. The evidence for a ceiling effect was strongest for white students. In 2000, 60.4% of white students had a TAAS score that fell in the top 10% of the score range. In contrast, there was no evidence of a ceiling effect for the NAEP. Mean score gains on the TAAS are only partially substantiated by the NAEP data. Furthermore, there is a very strong possibility that a ceiling effect artificially restricted the 2000 TAAS scores for white students and created the illusion that the achievement gap between minority and white students had been narrowed.

Hispanics are rapidly becoming the predominant ethnic group in Texas. While many secondary agriculture programs have seen increased participation by Hispanic students, in comparison to the demographics of Texas secondary school enrollment, Hispanics are underrepresented in agricultural education. As a result, agricultural education programs should continue to become more diverse and provide curriculum engaging to a wide variety of students. The purpose of this descriptive, correlational study was to determine the agricultural literacy rates and perceptions of agriculture among Hispanic and non-Hispanic high school agriculture students enrolled in agriculture programs in Texas counties bordering Mexico. Results showed both groups have agricultural literacy rates congruent with previous studies; however, Hispanic students tended to have lower knowledge scores in all areas except agricultural career knowledge, as well as lower perceptions of agriculture. Agricultural career knowledge scores were the lowest area for all respondents. Recommendations include: 1) more research should be conducted to better determine levels of agricultural literacy in minority agricultural education students in Texas and other areas, and 2) more emphasis on agricultural career knowledge should be incorporated into agriscience courses to better inform students about postsecondary education and career options within the agricultural industry.

Previous research has shown that female and Hispanic students who are underrepresented in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) face more educational barriers than their non-Hispanic, male peers. However, little research has been conducted on the effects of intersectional identities in the STEM space. In an effort to bridge the gap in underrepresented students' experience, the PSEG Institute for Sustainability Studies organizes a paid, interdisciplinary, team-based, experiential learning and internship program called the Green Teams that occurs during 10 weeks of the summer. The Green Teams Program strives to provide undergraduate students from all backgrounds–academically, economically, and demographically–an opportunity to develop their abilities in STEM fields and prepare them to enter the professional world. Based upon a survey given post-internship, self-reported learning gains for all students were analyzed to determine if the program had a significantly greater impact on students who are from groups traditionally underrepresented in STEM in their STEM-related learning gains and their confidence in STEM disciplines. Through t-tests, a Principal Component Analysis (PCA), and a 2-way factorial Analysis of Variance (ANOVA), Hispanic and female participants were found to report significantly higher learning gains than their counterparts in multiple STEM areas from increased tolerance for obstacles to gains in self confidence. The results of the study suggest Hispanic and female students benefit from paid work experiences in STEM with diverse peers and intentional, supportive mentoring. This research on the Green Teams Program provides insight into how this approach positively impacts STEM education of individuals from traditionally underrepresented groups in STEM. The findings may help to further guide the development of the Green Teams Program and the adoption of paid, interdisciplinary, team-based, experiential learning and internship experiences in additional academic STEM settings.

Aim/Purpose: This study aims to explore levels of Technological Access (ownership, access to, and usage of computer devices as well as access to Internet services) and levels of Technological Efficacy (technology related skills) as they pertain to underserved (UNS) and underrepresented (UNR) students. Background: There exists a positive correlation between technology related access, technology related competence, and academic outcomes. An increasing emphasis on expanding online education at the author’s institution, consistent with nationwide trends, means that it is unlikely that just an increase in online offerings alone will result in an improvement in the educational attainment of students, especially if such students lack access to technology and the technology related skills needed to take advantage of online learning. Most studies on levels of Technological Access and Technological Efficacy have dealt with either K-12 or minority populations with limited research on UNS and UNR populations who form the majority of students at the author’s institution. Methodology: This study used a cross-sectional survey research design to investigate the research questions. A web survey was sent to all students at the university except first semester new and first semester transfer students from various disciplines (n = 535). Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyze the survey data. Contribution: This research provides insight on a population (UNS and UNR) that is expanding in higher education. However, there is limited information related to levels of Technological Access and Technological Efficacy for this group. This paper is timely and relevant as adequate access to technology and technological competence is critical for success in the expanding field of online learning, and the research findings can be used to guide and inform subsequent actions vital to bridging any educational equity gap that might exist. Findings: A critical subset of the sample who were first generation, low income, and non-White (FGLINW) had significantly lower levels of Technological Access. In addition, nearly half of the survey sample used smartphones to access online courses. Technological Efficacy scores were significantly lower for students who dropped out of or never enrolled in an online course. Transfer students had significantly higher Technological Efficacy scores while independent students (determined by tax status for federal financial aid purposes) reflected higher Technological Efficacy, but at a marginally lower level of significance. Recommendations for Practitioners: Higher education administrators and educators should take into consideration the gaps in technology related access and skills to devise institutional interventions as well as formulate pedagogical approaches that account for such gaps in educational equity. This will help ensure pathways to sustained student success given the rapidly growing landscape of online education. Recommendation for Researchers: Similar studies need to be conducted in other institutions serving UNS and UNR students in order to bolster findings and increase awareness. Impact on Society: The digital divide with respect to Technological Access and Technological Efficacy that impacts UNS and UNR student populations must be addressed to better prepare such groups for both academic and subsequent professional success. Addressing such gaps will not only help disadvantaged students maximize their educational opportunities but will also prepare them to navigate the challenges of an increasingly technology driven society. Future Research: Given that it is more challenging to write papers and complete projects using a smartphone, is there a homework gap for UNS and UNR students that may impact their academic success? What is the impact of differing levels of Technological Efficacy on specific academic outcomes of UNS and UNR students?

The purpose of this paper was to examine the experiences of a Hispanic undocumented high school graduate in Texas (USA) that did not attend a higher education institution in spite of her desire to do. Using qualitative research and narrative analysis, the researcher conducted three interview levels with the participant and developed an emplotted narrative that was retrodictive in nature in an attempt to understand how a particular outcome came about. The researcher’s attempt was to identify how the participant’s understanding and interpretation of higher education policies and financial benefits affected her reality as an undocumented student.The struggles and experiences of this student are evident in her narrative. Her story resembles the reality of other undocumented students that graduate from high school in the USA and are unable to navigate the labyrinth of higher education eligibility and financial benefits. Policy-makers, school leaders and educators in general, undocumented students, researchers and immigration specialists may find this information helpful, especially when considering the continuing influx of Hispanic immigrants into the USA, and also the growing impact of the Hispanic population in the USA.

Long-term Impacts of STEM Enrichment Programs on Under-represented Minority Students

High school students in the United States have the option of taking advanced placement (AP) courses designed to prepare them to take AP exams that will potentially give them the opportunity to receive college credits for first-year undergraduate courses. This chapter examines the cultural biases present in the AP English Language and Composition course and exam, which focus on skills and knowledges typically learned in a first-year composition course. With culturally relevant theory in mind, this work specifically draws attention to the effects of such cultural biases on Hispanic students in Texas, a state where the number of Hispanic students surpasses the number of students from any other cultural background.