Accepting the unacceptable: the concept of acceptance in work with the perpetrators of hate crime

The social work crime contains elements of rehabilitation, re-education and resocialization. During the execution of the crime, prisoners will be fostered and guided in terms of the formation of attitudes and behavior. The development of the convict's work and personality is always monitored and monitored by community officials. Prisoners will be guided to be able to behave well and actively participate in development. The problem is how is the sentence below one year in prison for the perpetrators of the ITE crime in Decision Number 1636/Pid.Sus/2020/PN.Jkt.Brt? The method used is normative juridical. The conclusion is that they do not agree with the Judge's Decision in Decision Number 1636/Pid.Sus/2020/PN.Jkt.Brt., because the Defendant may be subject to social work sanctions as a substitute for a sentence of less than one years in prison. In principle, social work crime is an alternative to short-term deprivation of liberty. Social work crime is a type of crime that will be imposed on perpetrators of crimes that are not too serious. Starting from the various privileges of the social work crime, it is clear that even though it is a crime, this social work crime is not forced labor. Social work crime is a form of crime that is loaded with the content of protecting human rights.

Law enforcement agrees that if crimes are categorized as serious or light, the perpetrators will be sentenced to prison sentences. There is no exception for perpetrators of criminal acts of corruption. In fact, Law Number 1 of 2023 concerning the Criminal Code regulates social work crimes for perpetrators of corruption crimes. It is a question of what the ideal formulation of punishment should be for perpetrators of corruption crimes. The purpose of this writing is to obtain information related to the imposition of social work sanctions on perpetrators of corruption. The method used in this research is normative juridical. This research found that the application of social work criminal sanctions for perpetrators of crimes, especially corruption crimes, is part of fulfilling a sense of justice and respect for human rights. It also has an impact on reducing the number of convicts in correctional institutions. The government and DPR need to amend the Corruption Crime law so that it is in accordance with what is regulated in Law Number 1 of 2023 concerning the Indonesian Criminal Code, especially on article number 85

The criminal law policy based on Article 4 of Law Number 31 of 1999 concerning the Eradication of Corruption Crimes regulates the return of state financial losses does not eliminate criminals, but the implementation of the provisions of Article 4 has not been implemented as appropriate. In practice there are irregularities in which the return of relatively small amounts of state losses can be stopped from investigation and eliminate the criminals of corruption. Moreover, the return of state financial losses was not a consideration for the Judge to commute the sentence to be imposed on the defendant. Therefore, in this study, it is necessary to study to evaluate the Legal Policy on punishment of perpetrators of corruption crimes who have returned state financial losses based on the provisions of Article 4 of Law No. 31 of 1999 concerning the Eradication of Corruption Crimes and analyze the Renewal of the Law on the punishment of perpetrators of corruption crimes that have returned state financial losses from a justice perspective. The purpose of this study is to find out the appropriate Criminal Law Policy against perpetrators of corruption crimes that return state financial losses from the perspective of justice for the future. This type of research method is legal research with a normative juridical approach that focuses on synchronizing laws, principles and legal doctrines. The data studied are library materials or secondary data, and tertiary legal materials, then discussed and presented descriptively. Forms of criminal law reform that can be applied to perpetrators of corruption crimes that have returned state financial losses in the future from the perspective of justice include: Renewal of the formulation of criminal threats that are cumulative imperative changed to cumulative and renewal of the regulation of the main types of crimes in the form of social work crimes that can be an alternative to imprisonment and an alternative to fines and formulation of the plea concept bargaining as a procedural law for corruption and the formulation of the concept of restorative justice in the criminal act of corruption in the form of culpa or negligence.

Police administrators are looking for concrete pathways to fight the phenomenon of (ethnic) prejudice among members of the police force. Surprisingly, few studies have assessed the effectiveness of existing police ethics training programs on prejudice and social dominance orientation. Therefore, we assessed the impact of a 1-day training called the Holocaust, Police, and Human Rights (HPH) program on the attitudes related to ethnic prejudice and social dominance orientation of 223 members of the Belgian police. Analyses of three-wave panel data indicate that HPH training reduced ethnic prejudice and social dominance orientation. For ethnic prejudice, the reduced effects were maintained after 1 month in the follow-up study. However, the effect of training on prejudice was weaker for police officers who were more often exposed to victims and perpetrators of crime. No lasting effect of HPH training was found for social dominance orientation.

IN his analysis of latent prejudice, András Kovács demonstrates the methodological sophistication that can now be harnessed to penetrate the often thin veneer of political correctness to illuminate closet anti-Semites, homophobes, or racists. As a practitioner involved in trying to prevent or counter prejudice, I would like to complement the analysis with a focus on public, rather than private , manifestations of prejudice. A skeptic would argue that private, or in this case, latent prejudice should not be a matter of concern as long as it is not made public or acted upon. This perspective is reflected in a comment attributed to a diversity manager at a top multinational company: “I could hire a racist, but not someone who discriminates.” Thus, the challenge is to demonstrate the link between prejudicial sentiments , public speech, and action. An overview of recent psychological research suggests that there is a link, often indirect, between prejudice and hate crimes—violent acts against people, property, or organizations because of the target’s real or imputed group affiliation. Hate crimes in the United States are rarely committed by organized groups but by otherwise law-abiding youth who see little wrong with their actions. That perpetrators of crimes see little wrong with committing violence because of the target’s real or imputed group affiliation is, of course, caused by prejudice, which clouds their judgment, twists their morals, and acts as a cognitive filter SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol. 69, No. 1 (Spring 2002) Private and Public Prejudice: A Response to András Kovács BY NILS MUIZNIEKS highlighting the target. Often, such youth claim to perceive societal sanction for attacks on certain groups (American Psychological Association, 1998: 3). As András Kovács notes, people occasionally project their own prejudicial opinions onto an imagined majority. However, perceptions of societal sanction often have some basis in prevailing public discourse. I do not fully share Kovács’ view that “the public expression of racial, religious, or ethnic prejudice is condemned in Hungary, just as it is in virtually every civilized state in the world.” In Central and Eastern Europe and the Soviet successor states, consistent condemnation or ostracism of politicians or other public figures because of their racist speech is more the exception than the rule. Rather than challenging or undermining ethnic stereotypes and prejudices, the education system and media in the region frequently reproduce them. Legal sanctions against hate speech, anathema in the United States but common in Western Europe, exist in Central and Eastern Europe, but are almost never enforced (Muiznieks, 2000: 2-4; Open Society Institute , 2000: 5-13, 44-89). Those who subscribe to the American “free speech” tradition argue that most public expressions of prejudice, repugnant as they may be, are protected forms of speech unless there is a clear and present danger that they will lead to action.1 However, the European debate about hate speech changed after the genocide in Rwanda and former Yugoslavia, in which the media often played a leading role in inciting and organizing violence (see, e.g., Splasak et al., 1997). There is a growing consensus in Europe that hate speech must be combated more vigorously and general agreement that Holocaust-denial should be punishable by law (European Conference, 2000: 7). Of course, the overzealous application of hate speech provisions can pose a grave danger to freedom of expression. However, impunity holds dangers as well, because the public can become rapidly socialized into accepting certain patterns of speech and behavior as a norm. For example, a colleague in St. Petersburg, 196 SOCIAL RESEARCH Russia, has claimed that the local population has become so accustomed to seeing neo-Nazi graffiti with swastikas that nobody notices any longer. Drawing public attention to a problem that has become “invisible” is extremely difficult. Another problem with over-interpreting data on personal prejudice is that there is not always a correlation between prejudice in the private and public realms. For example, research on Latvia in the early 1990s found that the Latvian majority was far more willing to accept the Russian minority as neighbors or marriage partners than as co-citizens (Poulsen, 1994: 21-27). In other words, tolerance and inclusion in the private...

To determine whether a brief session of behavior change counseling (BCC), offered to injured adolescents in the emergency department (ED) as a therapeutic intervention, could be used to change injury-related risk behaviors and the risk of reinjury. A randomized, controlled trial. Adolescents between 12 and 20 years old who were undergoing treatment for an injury in the ED and who were cognitively able to participate in the intervention. An urban ED at a level 1 pediatric trauma center. Study participants completed a baseline risk behavior prevalence assessment. Participants were then randomly assigned to receive BCC or routine ED care. Those in the treatment group underwent a brief session of BCC with a study social worker focused on changing an identified injury-related risk behavior (seatbelt use, bicycle helmet use, driving after drinking, riding with an impaired driver, binge drinking, or carrying a weapon). Participants were recontacted 3 months and 6 months after enrollment to assess the prevalence of positive behavior change and the interim occurrence of medically treated injuries. We enrolled 631 participants (78% of those eligible) and obtained follow-up for 76% at 3 months and 75% at 6 months. The relative risk of a positive behavior change with respect to seatbelt use was 1.34 (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.00, 1.79) at 3 months, favoring the intervention group. The relative risk for the same outcome was 1.47 (95% CI: 1.09, 1.96) at 6 months. A positive change in bicycle helmet use was 1.81 (95% CI: 1.02, 3.18) times more likely at 3 months and 2.00 (95% CI: 1.00, 4.00) times more likely at 6 months in the intervention group. There was no effect of the intervention on changes in other target behaviors. Over the 6-month follow-up period, the risk of reinjury requiring medical attention did not differ between treatment groups. Brief BCC can be delivered to adolescents undergoing treatment for injury in the ED and can be used to address injury-related risk behaviors. The intervention was associated with a greater likelihood of positive behavior change in seatbelt and bicycle helmet use. This effect lasted over 6 months of follow-up. BCC was not associated with changes in other risk behaviors and could not be shown to significantly reduce the risk of reinjury.

PurposeTo examine the nature of positive and negative environmental change on clinical outcome in 210 patients presenting with anxiety and depression and followed up over 30 years.MethodsIn addition to clinical assessments, major environmental changes, particularly after 12 and 30 years, were recorded in all patients by a combination of self-report and taped interviews. Environmental changes were separated into two major groups, positive or negative, determined by patient opinion.ResultsIn all analyses positive changes were found to be associated with better outcome at 12 years with respect to accommodation (P = 0.009), relationships (P = 007), and substance misuse (P = 0.003), with fewer psychiatric admissions (P = 0.011) and fewer social work contacts at 30 years (P = 0.043). Using a consolidated outcome measure positive changes were more likely than negative ones to be associated with a good outcome at 12 and 30 years (39% v 3.6% and 30.2% v 9.1%, respectively). Those with personality disorder at baseline had fewer positive changes (P = 0.018) than others at 12 years and fewer positive occupational changes at 30 years (P = 0.041). Service use was greatly reduced in those with positive events with 50–80% more time free of all psychotropic drug treatment (P < 0.001). Instrumental positive change had greater effects than imposed changes.ConclusionsPositive environmental change has a favourable impact on clinical outcome in common mental disorders. Although studied naturalistically in this study the findings suggest that if harnessed as a therapeutic intervention, as in nidotherapy and social prescribing, it would yield therapeutic dividends.

Hate crimes (or bias crimes) are crimes motivated by an offenders’ personal bias against a particular social group. Modern hate crimes legislation developed out of civil rights protections based on race, religion, and national origin; however, the acts that constitute a hate crime have expanded over time, as have the groups protected by hate crimes legislation. Anti-LGBT hate crimes, in which victims are targeted based on their sexual orientation or gender identity. LGBT people are highly overrepresented as victims of hate crimes given the number of LGBT people in the population, and this is especially true of hate crimes against transgender women. Despite the frequency of these crimes, the legal framework for addressing them varies widely across the United States. Many states do not have specific legislation that addresses anti-LGBT hate crimes, while others have legislation that mandates data collection on those crimes but does not enhance civil or criminal penalties for them, and some offer enhanced civil and/or criminal penalties. Even in states that do have legislation to address these types of hate crimes, some states only address hate crimes based on sexual orientation but not those based on gender identity. The Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act gives the federal government the authority to prosecute those crimes regardless of jurisdiction; however, this power has been used in a limited capacity. Hate crimes are distinct from other crimes that are not motivated by bias. For example, thrill seeking, retaliation, or the desire to harm or punish members of a particular social group often motivates perpetrators of hate crimes; these motivations often result in hate crimes being more violent than other similar crimes. The difference in the motivation of offenders also has significant consequences for victims, both physically and mentally. Victims of hate crimes are more likely to require medical attention than victims of non-bias crimes. Likewise, victims of hate crimes, and especially anti-LGBT hate crimes, often experience negative psychological outcomes, such as PTSD, depression, or anxiety as a result of being victimized for being a member of an already marginalized social group.

Implementation of deviations at this stage of the research would be broad outlines, covering verbal warning, informal deviation, and formal deviation. The deviation tries to get the offending child to avoid the stigma of the formal judicial process. Consultation with the victim's family; the perpetrator; Superiors of prison officers; Social worker; The public and other parties determine or influence the children's actions as perpetrators. In this way, you will offer better justice to the victims and perpetrators of crime in the best interests of our future. The results showed that the discretion assigned to investigators can stop or perform versioning. This mechanism is limited to offenses punishable by less than 7 (seven) years of age, in this case not to the maximum protection of children who break the law. Based on the results of the investigation, the deviation, such as change in the manipulator, compared to the number of people reported or brought to the police, still minimal. At the practical level, there are still many obstacles in the implementation of the investigation redirection, from the legal aspect to the estimated time in which it was not possible to act maximally. In Cultural aspects of society, it is still difficult to change the mentality of families and communities. Necessary aspects of reforming the structure of the support infrastructure for the successful implementation of the diversion are required. This requires thorough training and socialization so that it can be effectively implemented in the investigation phase.

Imprisonment as the main punishment is the punishment that is most threatened against the perpetrators of crimes. This is one of the causes of over-capacity and imprisonment in prisons which affects the process of fostering convicts in achieving correctional goals. As an effort to overcome this, the government uses moderate steps by bringing up alternative punishments besides imprisonment, namely supervision and social work which are accommodated in the new Criminal Code, and to realize integration with the goals of correctional, revisions are made to the Correctional Law No. 12/1995 to become Law No. 22/2022 .

This chapter discusses information-sharing, including with victims of crime committed by persons with mental disorders. In general, a patient’s treatment is confidential and, unless the patient consents to information being shared, this limits the information that can be disclosed. However, information about a patient can be disclosed to a third party such as a victim if other statutes, such as the Domestic Violence and Mental Health Acts, permit this. Information can also be disclosed if another person is at risk of harm if the information is not disclosed. Furthermore, the victims of specific violent and sexual offences have certain rights to information about the offender. This includes offenders subject to the MHA and detained in hospital or subject to compulsion in the community. Patients can be victims as well as perpetrators of crime, and professionals working in health, social care and the justice system require a robust understanding of when to share confidential information. The first half of the chapter provides information on relevant legislation and guidance to be considered when sharing information about patients in general. The second half is focused on legislation and guidance on information sharing by organisations supporting victims of crimes committed by mentally disordered offenders.

The aim of this research is to understand cultural interactions in Pertamina's Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) program. This research uses an interpretive perspective and netnography as research methodology. Data collection uses a passive approach through multiple online platforms, namely Instagram, TikTok and Facebook. The data that has been collected is then analyzed using coding, noting and abstracting. The research results show that Pertamina's CSR program generates various responses and interactions among the community. First, the view 'without money you are nothing". Second, accounting treatment. Third, scarcity. Fourth, the concept of trade monopoly. Fifth, be careful (tabayun). Sixth, having bad prejudice (suudzon). Seventh, swearing. Lastly, positive comments in the form of: appreciation, support and hope. By involving the community in the decision process and design of CSR programs, this research can contribute to the empowerment of society as a whole. The implication is to create a more balanced relationship between companies and society, where society feels they have a stake in positive change.

Globally, there has been a trend in rising levels of hate crime that scholars have argued is reflective of significant social problems within society. Research into hate crime has typically focused on the police and their subsequent response to this crime type, with many findings reporting that the police are racist, homophobic and Islamophobic, to name but a few. However, existing research seldom captures the insights and experiences of sworn police officers, as much of the data is gathered from third parties. This paper presents the empirical findings from a Delphi study conducted with one police force in Australia, sampling sworn New South Wales (NSW) police officers between October 2020 and October 2021. The findings focus on four overarching areas: defining hate crime, perpetrators of hate crime, victims of hate crime, and responses to hate crime. These themes capture the perspectives of NSW police officers in relation to operational and organisational practice in respect of hate crime. Drawing on a Delphi method, the research outlines police perceptions of the nature of hate crime, as well as capturing how hate crime can be effectively reported, recorded, and responded to. Conclusions and implications are considered. These include the requirement for a clearer definition and targeted education strategies aimed at improving knowledge and understanding relating to hate crime. Future directions include the development of a standardised approach to reporting, recording, and responding to hate crime.

This article focuses on individuals suspected of hate crimes with xenophobic, Islamophobic, and homophobic motives. The objective is to fill a gap in the knowledge left by existing research, which has primarily focused on victims and definitional problems. This article's genuine contribution to new research is the comparative perspective and the study of co-offending and specialization in offences for persons suspected for hate crimes. To find persons suspected for hate crimes, register data relating to hate-crime-motivated assault and unlawful threats/molestation offences from 2006 have been used. The study is based on a total of 1,910 offence reports together with information from the Registers of Suspected and Convicted Offenders for 558 persons suspected for hate crimes. Xenophobic hate crimes are over-represented in the material by comparison with homophobic and Islamophobic hate crimes. In the reports that have information about the relation between victim and perpetrators, it is more common for the perpetrators to be known than unknown to the victims. In cases where a suspected person has been identified, males are in a clear majority. Those suspected of homophobic hate crimes have the lowest mean age. Only a small number of offence reports include information on suspected co-offenders. Fifty-five per cent of the suspected people have prior registered convictions. It is very uncommon for them to be specialized in violent offences or unlawful threats/molestation, however. It is not possible to generalize the results to perpetrators of hate crimes, because 70% of the offence reports did not have information of suspected persons.

The impression often conveyed by the media about hate crime offenders is that they are hate-fuelled individuals who, in acting out their extremely bigoted views, target their victims in premeditated violent attacks. Scholarly research on the perpetrators of hate crimes has begun to provide a more nuanced picture. However, the preoccupation of researchers with convicted offenders neglects the vast majority of hate crime offenders that do not come into contact with the criminal justice system. This book widens understanding of hate crime by demonstrating that many offenders are ordinary people who offend in the context of their everyday lives. The book takes a victim-centred approach to explore and analyse hate crime as a social problem, providing an empirically informed and scholarly perspective. The book draws out the connections between the individual agency of offenders and the background structural context for their actions. It adds a new dimension to the debate about criminalising hate in light of concerns about the rise of punitive and expressive justice, scrutinising the balance struck by hate crime laws between the rights of offenders and the rights of victims.