A University Helps Prepare Low Income Youths for College

Introduction Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) were established during the segregation period of U.S. history in response to the demand for education by Blacks who did not have access to White educational institutions. As a group, Blacks share a common historical experience of segregation that was characterized by relatively limited educational resources to meet the demand of the black population for higher education. Currently there are 103 HBCUs (53 private and 50 public institutions), representing approximately 3% of the total U.S. institutions of higher education and about 2% of the total U.S. college enrollment (National Center for Education Statistics, 1996). Collectively, these institutions have also been undergoing, over the past three decades, a declining share of black high graduates' enrollment in higher educational institutions. Despite federal desegregation policies, such a relative decline has not been compensated by a corresponding increase in HBCUs' relative share of the total population of non-Black high school graduates' enrollment in higher education. Although most HBCUs experienced enrollment growth during the periods of educational expansion in the U.S., overall their share of national enrollment has declined because of two factors: the increase in community colleges and the Adams court decisions desegregating higher education in the south (Hauptman & Smith, 1994). Table 1 shows that the total enrollment in HBCUs expanded by about 18.69% from 222,613 students in 1976 to 273,472 in 1998. Despite the modest increase in the number of non-Black students attending HBCUs, the level of diversity in terms of race and ethnicity has remained almost unchanged. Hence, Black students have consistently represented about 81% of the total annual enrollment at HBCUs during that period. Table 2 indicates that the total U.S. enrollment of Blacks 14 to 34 years of age in postsecondary educational institutional institutions increased significantly by 66% from 996,000 in 1980 to 1,640,000 in 1998. Consequently, the total Black enrollment in all colleges and universities rose from 9.78% in 1980 to 12.75% in 1998. However, as a group, HBCUs' relative share of the total Black enrollment in higher educational institutions declined from 18.18% in 1980 to 13.70% in 1998. In contrast, Black students' enrollment in other institutions of higher education, as a percentage of the total Black enrollment in the U.S., rose from 80.82% in 1980 to 86.3% in 1998. While Black students' enrollment in other colleges and universities rose by 76% from 805,011 in 1980 to 1,415,255 students in 1998, the enrollment of non-Black students in HBCUs rose only by 16.82% (from 42,568 to 49,727) during the same period. Several factors may have contributed to the decline of HBCUs' relative share of total Black student enrollment in postsecondary educational institutions, and there is no empirical evidence about their effects in the literature. The survival and growth of many HBCUs depend on their ability to maintain or improve their relative share of Black students, who traditionally represented their major source of enrollment. The purpose of this paper is to provide an empirical analysis of the determinants of Black student enrollment in HBCUs. Such information may be useful for policy decisions. An overview of the factors influencing Black enrollment in higher education and a description of the methodological framework as well as the data used in this study are provided in the next section. Methodology and Data Collection The Determinants of Enrollment Demand The literature provides a large body of information on the various factors that have been influencing the demand for higher education by Black high school graduates in the U. S. Demographic trends affect the demand for higher education as well as the supply of high school graduates who attend the various postsecondary institutions. …

This article maintains that Tinto's theory of college student retention misses the mark for minority students. With its implicit suggestions that such students must assimilate into the mainstream and abandon their ethnic identifies to succeed on predominantly White campuses, Tinto's framework is faulted not only for overlooking the history of ethnic oppression and discrimination in the U.S. but also for being theoretically flawed. An alternate model based on and Bourdieu's notions of capital and habitus is delineated. A program that instills these qualities in inner-city Black and Hispanic adolescents as they prepare for college is described. In 1970, the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education predicted that it would not be necessary for colleges and universities in the year 2000 to provide compensatory education programs or to struggle over flexible criteria for admissions and grading. Though one might admire the boldness and hopes of such an assertion, the reality of the prediction is one of dreams deferred, if not denied, for those who have not had equal access to postsecondary education. Although more people attend a postsecondary institution today than at any other time throughout this century, not all high school graduates are academically prepared for success in college. Large discrepancies, determined by income and race/ethnicity, continue to persist. Broadly stated, the poor and working classes are less likely to attend college than the wealthy. Black, Hispanic, and Native American students are less likely to attend a postsecondary institution and to attain a degree than are their European American and Asian American counterparts. Since the Carnegie Commission made its hopeful prediction in 1970, postsecondary institutions and other related agencies have tried a variety of remedies to increase college participation among low-income and ethnic minority youth. Several significant and farreaching strategies were devised and employed to increase postsecondary educational opportunities and attendance by underrepresented populations. State and federal governments stepped in to provide the financial assistance necessary to attend college for lowincome families in the form of grants and loans. Similarly, minority students who had been discriminated against in the past, or who needed additional consideration to be admitted to a college or university, merited a systematic plan-affirmative action-to ensure equal opportunity. However, as we begin the 21st century, equal access to postsecondary opportunities has not yet been achieved by low-income and minority youth. Affirmative action, if not in danger of outright elimination, came under attack or has been banned in some states, and financial aid lags behind what it once was. Although I support the basic premises of affirmative action and financial aid (Tierney, 1996, 1997), my intent in this article is not to debate the merits of these policies for those who need it most. Even if these approaches were firmly in place, low-income and minority youth would still lag far behind their counterparts in college participation. It is thus not hard to conclude that alternative policies ought to be utilized if access and equity are to remain goals for society. Though they are surely not a panacea, existing alternatives offer an avenue for increasing college access for low-income and minority youth. However, as Perna and Swail (1998) have noted, very little is known about the status or success of these options from national, state, or local perspectives. Accordingly, this article first delineates a theoretical framework for thinking about college preparation programs that utilizes the work of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1977, 1986). It then describes one such program, the Neighborhood Academic Initiative that I have studied since 1997. Last, it offers a cultural integrity model that might be utilized to develop other such programs and thereby increase minority students' access, participation, and retention in postsecondary education. …

A Policy of AccessibilityOhio Public Higher Education’s Attempt at Equity, 1975–1983 Jonathan Tyler Baker (bio) introduction Since 1966, when the Ohio Board of Regents—the governing body of Ohio higher education—published their first “Master Plan for Ohio Higher Education,” political and economic factors played an influential role in determining the purpose of the state’s system of public higher education. For the first 10 years after their establishment in 1963, the Regents worked to build a system of public higher education that emphasized both academic excellence at the graduate level and universal access for lower-division students. The clear priority for the Regents, however, was the need to demonstrate that Ohio could compete with other states at the highest academic levels in the areas of research and technological development in order to earn lucrative government contracts that would, in theory, diversify Ohio’s economy and provide thousands of jobs for all facets of a workforce. But, in addition to Republican governor of Ohio Jim Rhodes’s decreasing support of advanced higher education, a significant string of economic setbacks in the late 1970s undercut the dual purpose of Ohio public higher education of elite graduate-level research programs and accessible higher education programs for working Ohioans. These economic setbacks were accompanied by an emerging service-sector economy that brought jobs requiring skills or credentials that higher education could provide. Unless the state wanted increased numbers of unemployment, higher education had to be both financially accessible and relevant to the needs of Ohio’s workforce. [End Page 112] During the process of repurposing public higher education in the late 1960s, the Regents discovered that Ohio’s public colleges and universities had historically, when compared to other states in the Midwest, enrolled a significantly smaller percentage of the state’s population in higher education, regardless of how many campuses opened across the state. Moreover, Ohio had a smaller percentage of college-aged students enrolled at two- or four-year colleges than any other state in the Midwest despite the influx of baby boomers driving up enrollment at four-year public campuses. Even though Ohio had more students enrolling in higher education than ever before, roughly 70 percent of the state’s traditional college-aged population was forgoing college altogether. The Regents found that a significant portion of the traditional college-aged population who forewent college were women who were either low-income, black, or divorced single mothers, or, in some cases, all of the above. Examining how the purpose of Ohio higher education changed, and who was affected by the changes, in the late 1970s and early 1980s is important because the story illustrates how politics, policy, and the economy play an outsized role in what version of public higher education a state’s residents receive. Moreover, the changing purpose of public higher education during this period of Ohio’s history provides a powerful example of the way that centralized state control over higher education is not always a guaranteed way to fix systemic socioeconomic problems. American higher education has, in some ways, represented a route toward economic and social mobility, but those routes are only available if state policy-makers stay committed to providing access through long-term planning. In other words, a policy of accessibility needs to be tailored to a wide variety of groups of people: what is accessible to one group may not be accessible to another. Even when enrollments were reaching all-time highs across Ohio and the nation, a significant number of students still couldn’t access higher education due to financial restrictions. From the mid-to-late 1970s through the early 1980s, the Regents turned their focus to increasing the percentage of Ohio’s population enrolled in college. While such actions may seem counterintuitive to the belief that college and university enrollments were experiencing unprecedented enrollments, the fact of the matter is that aside from increased enrollments at large, public four-year schools and some of their two-year satellite campuses, the overall enrollment in Ohio’s public colleges and universities was comparatively low. This article seeks to complicate what historians of higher education believe about the enrollment spikes caused by the...

This paper describes a summit on Community Colleges in the Evolving STEM Education Landscape organized by a committee of the National Research Council (NRC) and the National Academy of Engineering (NAE) and held at the Carnegie Institution for Science on December 15, 2011. This summit followed a similar event organized by Dr. Jill Biden, spouse of the Vice President, and held at the White House in October 2010, which sought to bring national attention to the changing missions and purposes of community colleges in contemporary American society.1 The NRC/NAE event built on the White House summit, while focusing on the changing roles of community colleges in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education. An in-depth summary of the summit was prepared by the NRC and NAE for publication in late Spring 2012 by the National Academies Press (NRC and National Academy of Engineering, 2012 ). This paper provides a synopsis of that report, which is available at www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=13399, and emphasizes how we can use the report to improve STEM education for our students, but also how much progress still needs to be made to realize this ideal.

This exploratory study shows that the contributions of cognitive, metacognitive awareness, performance avoidance, test anxiety, and socioeconomic family background factors to SAT scores (i.e., overall SAT, SAT-V, SAT-M) may vary as a function of ethnicity (i.e., European-American, Hispanic). Four hundred and fifty-seven students, 282 European-American and 175 Hispanic, completed multiple measures of cognitive, metacognitive awareness, social/personality (i.e., test anxiety, performance avoidance, academic self-efficacy), and socioeconomic family background factors, which were used in regression analyses predicting overall SAT, SAT-V, and SAT-M scores. The results show that most factors contributed significantly to overall SAT, SAT-M, and SAT-V scores. In addition, the ethnicity X test anxiety interaction was significant for all three SAT measures, a finding that suggests ethnic differences in the contributions of test anxiety to overall SAT, SAT-M, and SAT-V scores. For European-American students, test anxiety had no influence on overall SAT and SAT-M scores, whereas for Hispanic students test anxiety had a negative influence on overall SAT and SAT-M scores. For SAT-V scores, interpreting the ethnicity X test anxiety interaction was more complicated because both the significant main effect of test anxiety and the ethnicity X test anxiety interaction must be interpreted together. Whereas test anxiety negatively influenced European-Americans’ SAT-V scores, this negative influence was less than the influence it had on Hispanic students’ SAT-V scores. Indeed, for Hispanic students with high test anxiety, this negative influence was profound. Taken as a whole, these results suggest that any theory explaining the SAT may need to take into account multiple predictors as well as the possibility that the contributions of these predictors may vary as a function of ethnicity.

Low-income youths enroll at postsecondary institutions less frequently, drop out more often, are less likely to return after dropping out, and are less likely to attain a postsecondary degree than their more affluent peers. It is therefore important to understand how low-income youths develop the capacity to persist in the postsecondary setting. This article explores how contextual supports contribute to low-income (and predominantly racial/ethnic minority) youths' educational expectancies and postsecondary persistence. The authors examined these questions by applying structural equation modeling to a longitudinal panel of youths surveyed 3 times over a 5-year period, while controlling for academic achievement, age, and gender. The obtained structural model suggests meditating "chains" by which parents and peers foster educational expectancies and postsecondary persistence over time. This article suggests that precollegiate contexts and expectancies clearly matter in explaining how low-income youths progress through intermediate checkpoints-postsecondary persistence-on the path to degree completion.

An extensive body of work has demonstrated the benefits of participating in the arts, including when it is integrated into other disciplines, for young adults. In addition, this work highlights the likely advantages of engagement with the arts for students from low-income backgrounds as they transition into elite postsecondary institutions. Such findings have shaped the organization of the Princeton University Preparatory Program (PUPP), a rigorous academic and cultural enrichment program which supports high-achieving, low-income public high school students, from the communities surrounding campus, prepare for admission to and success at selective colleges and universities. More specifically, PUPP provides its scholars with a studio art course during each of their three summers in the program and school-year trips to performances and museums. During their time in PUPP, scholars attend approximately 21 live performances and visit at least six different art museums.In this paper, we add to the literature on art integration by examining whether, and how, the views of PUPP scholars on the arts programming they receive change over their time in the program. We also assess the PUPP alumni’s perceptions of the extent to which PUPP’s art and cultural activities influenced them. Taken together, these analyses of survey data help us understand whether there are differences in student views by the amount of art programming they receive (“dosage”) and if there are sustained benefits of the arts integration and programming PUPP students receive (“fade-out”). We supplement this quantitative data with information from focus groups with a variety of stakeholders.Although our quantitative analyses of survey data revealed no dosage or fade-out effects, our interview data highlighted the cumulative development of art skills and knowledge over time and confirmed that the program’s arts and cultural activities provided contextual information and experiences useful for PUPP alumni in college. Along with prior work that shows PUPP scholars’ overwhelmingly positive views of the arts programing, these  findings point to the benefits of university-led college access programs that provide arts and cultural exposure for students’ social and cultural capital and college preparation.

Background Developmental education (DE) has been critiqued because of its high cost, the inconclusive evidence as to its effectiveness, and the overrepresentation of underrepresented minority students required to take it. Because Black and Hispanic students are more often referred to developmental courses and may require more levels of remediation, a significant racial/ethnic achievement gap between White students and underrepresented minority students has formed in the likelihood of students earning credit for college-level courses in their first semester. Focus of Study To address these concerns, the Florida legislature passed Senate Bill 1720 in 2013, which, among other mandates, made DE (and placement tests) optional for many students. Now that this barrier to gateway course enrollment has been removed, this article seeks to understand whether there was any relationship between its removal and the achievement gap between White students and underrepresented minority students in gateway course passing rates, or gateway success, in the first semester. Research Design We employed a difference-in-differences model estimating the relationships between students’ race/ethnicity and their success in gateway courses, specifically English Composition 1 and Intermediate Algebra. Interaction terms between an indicator for the year the policy was implemented and indicators for race/ethnicity allow us to determine whether Black, Hispanic, and White students experienced differential outcomes following the policy change. Data Collection Data for this analysis came from the Florida Education Data Warehouse, the statewide student-level longitudinal database. We examined the first-semester educational trajectories of Black, White, and Hispanic students across six cohorts of students who entered one of the 28 colleges in the Florida College System between 2009 and 2014. Findings The findings indicate that now that students have the option to bypass developmental courses, Black and Hispanic students are enrolling in gateway courses at higher rates compared with White students. Further, although course-based passing rates have declined, the cohort-based passing rates for Black and Hispanic students have increased at rates higher than those of White students, which provides some evidence that the achievement gap may be closing in Intermediate Algebra. Conclusions This study illuminates an important positive outcome that has far-reaching policy implications. Results suggest that by making DE optional, there can be a reduction in, and indeed the elimination of, the racial/ethnic achievement gap in at least one measure of student success in college. These findings suggest that eliminating barriers can have a strong positive impact-at least in the short term-on the success of Black and Hispanic students.

College preparation programs are ubiquitous among secondary schools, ranging from bridge programs and summer camps to STEM competitions. High school students have many options in preparing for the academic pressures of higher education. However, an area often neglected in college preparation programs is the teaching of interpersonal customs and norms of university life. High school students, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds, may enter college with little to no understanding of the social and organizational expectations of being a college student. This study tests a college preparation approach that utilizes college-themed media as a way to educate students on college life that is unintimidating and enjoyable. Six high school students were presented with various forms of fictional college story plotlines, including a movie, two television shows, and a novel. Through observational data and semi-structured interviews, findings showed that the students identified some valuable personal lessons about what it means to be a college student after consuming the media. The findings suggest that incorporating college media into college preparation programs in high school may provide a more holistic college preparation experience by demystifying college stereotypes and relieving some of the pressures that high school students face about what is waiting for them in college.

The past several years have seen numerous efforts to scale back or eliminate affirmative action in postsecondary admissions. In response, policymakers and postsecondary institutions in many states are searching for ways to maintain the diversity of student populations without resorting to a prohibited focus on race. In response to these changes, this study used data from California and a simplified model of the University of California admissions process to explore how various approaches to admissions affect the diversity of the admitted student population. "Race-neutral" admissions based solely on test scores and grades were compared with the results of actual admissions before and after the elimination of affirmative action. A final set of analyses explored the effects on diversity of alternative approaches that take into account factors other than grades and scores, but not race or ethnicity. Replacing the former admissions process that included preferences with a race-neutral model based solely on GPA and SAT-I scores substantially reduced minority representation at the two most selective UC campuses but had much smaller effects at the other six, less selective campuses. SAT-I scores contributed to but were not the sole cause of the underrepresentation of African American and Hispanic students. A race-neutral model based solely on GPA also produced an underrepresentation of minorities, albeit a less severe one. None of the alternative admissions models analyzed could replicate the composition of the student population that was in place before the termination of affirmative action in California. The only approach that substantially increased the representation of minority students was accepting most students on the basis of within-school rather than statewide rankings, and this approach caused a sizable drop in both the average SAT scores and the average GPA of admitted applicants, particularly among African American and Hispanic students. Although admissions systems differ, the basic findings of this study are likely to apply at a general level to many universities and underscore the difficulty of providing proportional representation for underserved minority students at highly selective institutions without explicit preferences.

The Supreme Court has recently been asked to rule if the state of Mississippi has met the freedom of choice standard used to determine whether or not to end a state's obligation to enact affirmative measures to undo the effects and vestiges of racial inequality brought about by segregation in public systems of higher education. In previous court rulings (Ayers I, 1987; Ayers III, 1990) the state has prevailed in arguing that it has ceased discriminatory enrollment practices at its public institutions of higher education and that Blacks are no longer restricted to racially defined schools. Blacks and Whites currently attend and are employed in all eight schools in Mississippi's public institutions of higher learning (IHL) system, which includes its three formerly all-Black colleges (Alcorn State University, Jackson State University, and Mississippi Valley State University) and its five formerly all-White colleges (University of Mississippi, University of Southern Mississippi, Mississippi State University, Delta State University, and Mississippi University for Women). The state further contends that because it has adopted race-neutral policies and procedures that give all college-bound students, Black and White, unfettered freedom of choice, its public system of higher education is now desegregated. The overriding argument is that freedom of choice constitutes equal opportunity. In higher education students do choose their schools, and enrollment in a specific college (or any college at all) is not required by the state. However, the presence of freedom of choice has long been denied as evidence of satisfactorily remedying segregation in public schools. In 1976 the state of Mississippi was sued by Ayers, the Black plaintiff, for operating a separate and unequal system of higher education. The case was tried in the northern district court of Mississippi in 1987. At that time, the judge ruled that the state had fulfilled its duty to create a free-choice, race-neutral system. The decision was reversed by a three-

ABSTRACT: India's higher education landscape has witnessed rapid expansion and diversification, reflecting its aspirations for socioeconomic progress and individual empowerment. However, understanding the key factors influencing enrolment, particularly for young girls, remains complex. This study investigates the household-specific and state-specific factors that affect young students' enrolment, with a focus on female participation in higher education. Using Probit Regression analysis, the study leverages data from various sources, such as the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), National Family Health Survey (NFHS4), the Ministry of Education's budget reports (2016-2019), the All India Survey on Higher Education (2017-18), and the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS 2017-18). Household factors, including ethnicity, household size, household income level, household location, distance from higher education institutions, and technology access (e.g., computer ownership), are examined alongside state-level variables such as public expenditure on education and women's empowerment initiatives. By focusing on both household and state-level variables, the study captures a comprehensive picture of the factors influencing higher education enrolment among young females in India. The analysis reveals that young females in India are more likely to enroll in higher education than their male counterparts. Household income and computer ownership are significant positive predictors, particularly for female students. Additionally, factors such as the state's expenditure on higher education and women's empowerment policies boost female enrolment, especially in urban areas. Interestingly, longer distances from educational institutions do not deter enrolment among urban females. Conversely, high workforce participation rates and educational loans have a negative effect on enrolment, regardless of gender. In terms of affirmative action, it is observed that reservations for different types of backward classes in India, such as Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes, during the time of enrolment in higher education, create discouraging effects among female students. To promote higher female enrolment, policy interventions should focus on improving public expenditure on education and promoting the empowerment of mothers through education. Additionally, reforming affirmative action policies may be necessary to mitigate their unintended adverse effects on female students. Lastly, efforts to enhance women's empowerment and safety in urban spaces could further strengthen enrolment rates among young women.

The effect of the affirmative action policy on higher educational enrolment in India is addressed here. This article tries to identify the factors that play important roles in enhancing the enrolment of young people from ethnically disadvantaged groups, specifically Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC) in higher education. Using the probit regression technique, it finds that females from ST communities have a lower chance of enrolling in higher education. Conversely, the probability of young females participating in higher education is higher in the OBC community. At the household level, household income, smaller family size and household location increase the probability of enrolment in higher education among young individuals from the three castes considered. Furthermore, a larger number of higher educational institutions and increased government spending on higher education also contribute to higher enrolment rates for young individuals from these socioeconomically disadvantaged households.

I investigate the differences between Hispanic high school graduates, both male and female, who chose not to attend college, who chose to initially enroll into a two-year college, or who chose to initially enroll into a four-year college or university. I used the 1994-1995 National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to determine how family structure, family responsibilities and family closeness influenced the decisions made by Hispanic youth. There are five major findings regarding Hispanics and their decisions after high school graduation. The findings show that socioeconomic status (parents’ education), grade point average and college aspirations influence the decision to attend college. Participating in household chores influenced males who enrolled into four-year colleges more than influencing females; females who initially enrolled into four-year colleges were more influenced by the number of household members than males. High school graduates with fewer household members were more likely to initially enroll into a four-year college and participate in more household chores compared to students who attended two-year colleges. Parental aspirations were influential for high school graduates whether they attended twoor four-year colleges. Last, living with two biological parents compared to living with a single mother was highly influential for high school graduates who initially enrolled into a four-year college. Overall, the findings indicate that family structure, family closeness and family responsibilities affect the college decisions of Hispanic high school graduates. . Abstract Approved: ____________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________ Title and Department ____________________________________ DateApproved: ____________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________ Title and Department ____________________________________ Date THE EFFECTS OF FAMILY STRUCTURE, FAMILY RESPONSIBLITIES, AND FAMILY CLOSENESS ON THE COLLEGE DECISIONS OF HISPANIC HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS by Joanna Louise Settles A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in Educational Policy and Leadership Studies in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa

O artigo objetiva compreender criticamente aspectos da trajetória familiar e escolar de estudantes de escolas públicas aprovados em cursos de alta seletividade social em universidade pública, tratando, principalmente, da ‘luta’ pela permanência na educação superior. O estudo, de natureza exploratória e descritiva, ao partir das ideias de Bourdieu, da noção de “fronteiras sociais” de Lamon e Molnár (2002), do estudo de caso (TRIVINÕS, 1987) e das entrevistas com estudantes de Medicina e Direito, concluiu: a permanência dos estudantes cotistas na educação superior é um continuum do que foi a luta pelo acesso; as necessidades cotidianas e acadêmicas dos estudantes vão forjando as suas virtudes morais; os estudantes enfrentam a “violência doce” (BOURDIEU, 2010), às vezes dissimulada ou não, nas fronteiras simbólicas e materiais de distinção social no campo acadêmico, que podem levá-los à autoexclusão. Um sistema público de educação superior não pode ser democrático se se configura em alguns estudantes ‘heróis’, oriundos de escolas públicas, que alcançam êxito na seleção para os cursos de alta seletividade social, quando mobilizados por não duvidar dos próprios sonhos. Entre os tópicos para estudos e pesquisas posteriores estão: as cotas sociais em relação ao processo de participação de estudantes de escolas militares e a convergência ou variações das necessidades e virtudes em estratos das classes médias e classes populares em cursos de alta seletividade social.