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A Systematic Review of the Political, Social, and Cultural Legacies of the 1923 Greek–Turkish Population Exchange

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The 1923 Greek–Turkish Population Exchange (Mubadele in Turkish), formalized through the Lausanne Convention, remains one of the most consequential cases of compulsory migration in modern history. This systematic review synthesizes a century of scholarship across political, legal, social, cultural, and historiographical dimensions. Findings indicate that the exchange not only legitimized forced displacement under international law but also reinforced authoritarian state-building in Turkey and exacerbated political instability in Greece. The social consequences included trauma, marginalization, and the emergence of heterogeneous refugee identities, while cultural memory oscillated between nationalist silencing and transnational remembrance. Urban landscapes and demographic structures were profoundly reshaped, producing visible legacies in contemporary cities. Furthermore, assimilation policies formalized the integration of populations, influencing the development of national identities in both Turkey and Greece. Historiographical trajectories diverged, with Greek scholarship emphasizing refugee struggles and Turkish scholarship foregrounding nation-building. Recent studies highlight hybrid identities and transgenerational redefinitions of belonging. This review underscores the necessity of integrating political, social, and memory studies to capture the multi-layered impacts of the exchange, offering a comprehensive account of its enduring relevance for migration, nationalism, and memory studies in Southeast Europe.

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Globalizing What:Education as a Human Right or as a Traded Service? Katarina Tomasevski Introduction Globalization tends to be described as an extralegal phenomenon.1 This image does not apply to education for which there is international law, albeit composed of two parallel and disconnected legal regimes. International human rights law defines education as a human right; international trade law defines it as a service. 2 International human rights law is older than the law on trade in services, and domestic educational laws tend to be even older.3 Most of these define education [End Page 1] as compulsory and also as a right.4 Accordingly, they specify the corresponding governmental obligations. Large budgetary allocations for education reflect the legally defined extensive role of the state in education,5 and teachers are often the largest segments of the civil service.6 Against that role of the state in providing and/or financing education, globalization (defined as interaction across national borders unmediated by the state) fosters disengagement from education. The key facet of globalization, liberalization, is predicated on increasing the privatization of education,7 which demands decreased involvement of the state. In the 1990s, [End Page 2] this facet was built into the international law on trade in services, resulting in two conflicting legal regimes for education. International human rights law mandates state intervention, requiring it to ensure, at least, free and compulsory education for all children. International law on trade in services legitimates the sale and purchase of education, excluding those who are unable to purchase it, thereby jeopardizing the key human rights requirements that at least primary education should be free and compulsory. This article examines the practice of states in accommodating this legal duality of education. It focuses on the developing regions and countries in transition8 because the poverty of families, communities, and countries precludes access to education for many, if not most, unless education is free, namely provided or financed by the state. Its point of departure is international human rights law, which defines human rights—including the right to education—as universal. Its translation into reality would entail a minimum entitlement to education throughout the world, to be secured through international cooperation. Thereby governments would collectively comply with their human rights obligations. Consequently, globalization of education would be guided by a universal human rights obligation to ensure that education is free and compulsory for all school-age children in the world. However, the creation of international human rights law during the Cold War divided human rights into civil and political on the one hand, and economic, social, and cultural, on the other hand. Although education belongs in both categories, it also has been categorized as an economic, social, and cultural right. Its civil and political dimensions require respect of freedom; its social and economic dimensions mandate state provision and/or financing of education, while education as a cultural right often necessitates its affirmation as a collective right.9 [End Page 3] For the majority of countries in the world that recognize economic, social, and cultural rights,10 the corresponding human rights obligations presuppose governments' willingness and ability to raise revenue and devote the maximum available resources to human rights. An important aim is to ensure that education is free at the point of use, at least for compulsory education. Therein originates the conflict of laws. While international human rights law recognizes every child's entitlement to free education, international trade law makes access to education dependent on the ability to pay.11 Free trade does not have safeguards for the rights of the poor, least of all, for poor children. Hence, state intervention to safeguard free education for the millions of poor children necessitates corrective steps for the free market in education, facilitated by international cooperation. However, global development finance policies work in the opposite direction, as does trade in educational services.12 These counterpoised pressures, especially upon the governments of poor, impoverished, or indebted countries, result in an increasing incidence of for-fee rather than free education. [End Page 4] The phenomenon is not new; it was marked memorably by the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund's (UNICEF) "Adjustment with a Human...

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Individual Accountability for Crimes against Humanity: Reckoning with the Past, Thinking of the Future
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Individual Accountability for Crimes against Humanity: Reckoning with the Past, Thinking of the Future Andrea Bianchi (bio) The recent decisions of the House of Lords in the Pinochet case 1 revived interest in the issue of individual responsibility for crimes of international law. 2 The wide array of issues and highly sensitive political elements underlying the case prompted a variety of comments and reactions, in which the legal dimension has been either used instrumentally to foster conflicting political goals or confined to technical discussion within specialized legal circles. In fact, the extradition request by Spain to obtain the surrender of General Augusto Pinochet, head of state of Chile from 1973 to 1990, and the ensuing judicial proceedings in the United Kingdom should be a cause, not only for international lawyers but also for the public at large, to give appropriate consideration to the issue of whether individuals, including top political leaders, may be held accountable for crimes against humanity, and if so, under what circumstances. Although legal proceedings in the United Kingdom are still under way at the time of writing, the Pinochet case illustrates how to reckon with the past, while thinking of the future. The emergence of crimes against humanity as a distinct category of norms as well as the principle of individual responsibility have taken firm root in the international community, and their implementation is crucial for shaping any future international public order based on the rule of law and respect for fundamental human rights. The recent establishment of ad hoc international tribunals and the prospective International Criminal Court [End Page 97] (ICC) cannot by themselves ensure the effective prosecution of individual crimes of international law. The jurisdiction of these tribunals is limited to particular situations in specific countries (Yugoslavia and Rwanda), and the effectiveness of the latter will depend on how many states ratify its statute. This is why domestic courts should effectively complement, when the circumstances so warrant, the action of international tribunals in enforcing international criminal law. Yet many hurdles exist that need be overcome in order to allow domestic courts to enforce individual responsibility. Some relate to the way in which international law is incorporated into domestic law, some others originate from such doctrines as foreign sovereign immunity and act of state. The aim of this paper is to show that individuals may be held accountable for crimes against humanity before international and domestic courts and that many of the above-mentioned obstacles can be removed simply by interpreting correctly the normative standards of contemporary international law. After a cursory account of the legal proceedings against General Pinochet in the United Kingdom, section two will examine the emergence of the notion of individual accountability under international law in an historical perspective. The role of international and national tribunals in the prosecution of individual crimes of international law will be evaluated in sections three and four respectively. Section five is taken up with the analysis of the two legal doctrines which can considerably restrain the action of domestic courts in enforcing international criminal law: foreign sovereign immunity and act of state. Finally, in section six, with a view to setting the agenda for the future consolidation of international criminal law, some fundamental policy goals, which should guide the legal and political action of the international community in the years to come, will be highlighted. The Pinochet Case General Pinochet entered the United Kingdom in September 1997. Just before his return to Chile, after undergoing surgery in London, he was arrested on the basis of two provisional arrest warrants issued by UK magistrates, at the request of Spanish courts, 3 pursuant to the European Convention on Extradition. 4 General Pinochet’s counsels immediately moved to have the two arrest warrants quashed by the High Court. On October 28, the Divisional Court of the Queen’s Bench Division ruled 5 that the first arrest warrant was invalid and the crimes for which extradition had been requested by Spain were not extradition crimes under the UK Extradition Act. 6 With regard to the second arrest [End Page 98] warrant, the Lord Chief Justice held, interpreting the relevant provisions of the UK State Immunity Act, that General Pinochet...

  • Discussion
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  • 10.1108/cpoib-04-2023-0028
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of the urban landscape, which is a notable phenomenon in modern Chinese art history. In this direction, the researchers consider not only the genre originality of the urban landscape, but also artistic models of the representation of the city image in painting. The urban landscape acquires independent forms within the framework of Chinese art through comparative practices of matching and comparison with Western artistic genesis. Already in the early 2000s, Chinese art historians were actively looking for new models for presentation of traditional art. At the same time, their desire to preserve traditional artistic achievements necessitated the identification of innovative and modern forms of Chinese art, which became notable artistic phenomena during the second half of the twentieth century. In Chinese “urban” painting, one of the central themes is the issue of modernization, which develops from two perspectives: a) urbanistic, which is aimed at the artistic generalization of various forms of urban life and landscape; b) in the direction of retro, which expresses a steady interest in the images of “old” China — urban landscapes and pictures of urban life, representing the aesthetics of the disappearance of traditional “small” China towns. For the current stage of development of fine arts in China, the image of the city in the context of regionalism and ethnic specificity is of great importance. The images of the city are directly related to the characteristic models of visual representation of the regions of China. Regions differ both in ways and norms of life (for example, small towns and conglomerate metropolitan areas) and in the variety of landscapes (for example, sea-side, mountain and plain). This factor is the cause of additional difficulties in defining the urban landscape as a genre of art. Certain features are analyzed on the example of the works of such outstanding masters of Chinese fine arts Yan Wanliang and Dai Shihe.

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Strategic framework for preservation and development of the green infrastructure of urban landscapes
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In recent decades, contemporary cities have been exposed to numerous impacts, primarily population growth and climate change, resulting in a condition where the overall quality of their living environment, as well as the quality of life of their inhabitants, increasingly takes on negative aspects. Green infrastructure, as a planning concept, has long been recognized as a measure for establishing a healthier living framework in urban landscapes while respecting the characteristics and potential services of natural and nature-based ecosystems. The search for establishing a regulatory framework for green infrastructure, applying a modern, multidisciplinary, and scalable approach, is a process unfolding worldwide. Based on the principles of international and national conventions and directives, as well as an analysis of all administrative and physical constituent elements of green infrastructure, the Green Infrastructure Strategy of the City of Belgrade was developed and adopted by the city governance. The strategy identifi ed key challenges in implementing the concept and defi ned specifi c objectives, outlining strategic guidelines for achieving urban ecosystem services. Through the implementation of measures and activities prescribed by the strategy, the process of forming a comprehensive regulatory and professional framework for the preservation and development of the city's green infrastructure has begun, contributing to the creation of a resilient Belgrade urban landscapes.

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