A Semantic and Political Evolution of Royal Title in France (680–1790)

Governance of a landscape: The role of formal and informal organizations.

Historians have frequently portrayed constitutional nationalism as being homogeneous - ‘the Home Rule movement’- after the reunification of the Irish parliamentary party in 1900. Yet there were elements of nationalist heterodoxy all over the country, but it was only in Cork where dissent took an organised form in the only formal breakaway from the Irish party when the All for Ireland League (A.F.I.L.) was launched in 1910. The AFIL took eight of the nine parliamentary seats in Cork and gained control of local government in the city and county the following year. Existing historical accounts do not adequately explain why support for the Home Rule movement collapsed in Cork, but also why the AFIL flourished there but failed, despite the aspiration of its name, to expand beyond its regional base. The AFIL is chiefly remembered for its visionary policy of conciliation with unionists following the Damascene conversion of its leader William O’Brien, transformed from the enemy of the landed classes to an apostle of a new kind of bi-confessional politics. This would, he claimed, end the ‘Banshee’s Kiss’, a cycle of conflict in which each new generation attempts to achieve Irish freedom. However, conciliation was a policy which was unpopular with both nationalists and unionists and O’Brien therefore needed to develop an electoral base by other means with more popular policies. He did this primarily by co-opting labour dissent: firstly, in Cork city because of divisions between skilled and unskilled workers; and secondly, harnessing discontent amongst elements of the rural working class which arose following the Wyndham land act of 1903, which excluded small farmers, evicted tenants and farm labourers from the new dispensation. The AFIL ran populist campaigns in which it presented itself as an alternative to the hegemonic grip of the Home Rule movement. However, as this study will demonstrate, there was little to choose on social and economic issues between the O’Brienites and the Home Rule movement and the only policy which fundamentally divided the two parties was conciliation. Disaffection in elements of the working class in Cork, which precipitated the rise of the AFIL, both pre-dated and outlasted its existence. This thesis will, therefore, explore these fault lines over a more extended period from the Parnell split in 1890-1891 to the party’s launch in 1910 and beyond its demise in 1918 to the revolutionary years when the underlying issue of working class dissent, which the AFIL had co-opted and obfuscated, manifested itself again. The AFIL’s record in both parliamentary and local government is considered during its most active period from 1910 to 1914, through the successive crises of the Parliament act, the Home Rule bill and the outbreak of war. The Easter Rising and the rise of Sinn Fein administered the coup de grâce to the AFIL (as it did to the Home Rule movement), and the narrow ground of compromise and conciliation was lost.

Multiple Interfaces of Big Pharma and the Change of Global Health Governance in the Face of HIV/AIDS

Reviewed by: A Sitting in St. James by Rita Williams-Garcia Elizabeth Bush Williams-Garcia, Rita A Sitting in St. James. Quill Tree/HarperCollins, 2021 [480p] Trade ed. ISBN 9780062367297 $17.99 E-book ed. ISBN 9780062367327 $10.99 Reviewed from digital galleys R Gr. 10 up Madame Sylvie Bernardin de Maret Dacier Guilbert, having escaped with her life from revolutions in France and Saint-Domingue, intends to spend her remaining days in quiet contentment on the Louisiana sugar cane plantation she and her late husband established. To indulge her childhood memories of rubbing elbows with French royalty and to endow her grandson, Byron, with her fortune are, she feels, deserved reward for surviving a coerced marriage, the loss of a beloved daughter, the disappointment of a wastrel son, and lifelong exile amid American hoi polloi. If the opening focus on the three generations of white Guilberts suggests a quaint or, worse, cringeworthy trip to Tara or Downton Abbey, it quickly becomes clear that Williams-Garcia is chessmaster of a deviously intricate game; Madame Sylvie may make the boldest moves, but it’s her hobbled pawn, the near-silent servant Thisbe, who listens, observes, learns, and amasses the knowledge to strike the queen with a coup de grâce. The players are deeply researched (as attested in comprehensive closing notes) but more important for their roles than character development: syphilitic has-been son Lucien, the embodiment of corruption; mannish naif Jane, the girl who wins the heart of Byron’s reluctant fiancée; gay grandson Byron, who refuses his procreative duty and thus dooms Madame’s mini-dynasty; French portrait artist Claude Le Brun, who exposes Madame’s sham aristocratic heritage and arranges Thisbe’s ticket to freedom on his way out the door. There’s a lot of traumatic intensity and sexual assault amid the gamesmanship, so there’s appropriate impact as well as intrigue. Williams-Garcia sets the Guilberts’ last stand (a devastating debacle of engagement party/portrait unveiling/marriage brokering) an eye-blink before imminent civil war. The irony could hardly be sweeter. [End Page 405] Copyright © 2021 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Almost a century after the death of the French poet Stéphane Mallarmé, readers still puzzle over his writings, still seek to understand his seemingly impenetrable philosophy. In this highly original book, Graham Robb reveals conclusive answers to the mysteries of Mallarmé. Robb's discovery of a "key" to Mallarmé's poetry is an exciting achievement that entirely redefines Mallarmé studies, illuminates large areas of French poetry, both before and after Mallarmé, and opens the way for new interpretations of some of the most complicated poems ever written. As Robb scrutinized the work of Mallarmé, he discovered that the poet repeatedly used the hundred or so words in the French language that have no rhyme. This discovery, as Robb tells it, "proved to be the first step of a staircase leading to a tomb which had remained sealed since Mallarmé built it." It revealed the only perspective from which his poems "made sense"—as allegorical tales of their own creation. The "theme" of the poem turns out to be just one surface of a brilliantly coordinated whole. In the first part of the book, Robb defines and explores the development of Mallarmé's approach; in the second he applies the method to specific poems; in the conclusion he suggests ways in which the key might be applied to other poems and poets; and in the epilogue he offers a guided tour through Mallarmé's famously uninterpretable shipwreck poem, Un coup de dés . The book reveals how Mallarmé's self-reflecting, self-destructive work poses, and perhaps answers, the central questions of twentieth-century criticism.

Whether or not politics cause changes in monetary policy is controversial in the literature. This article re‐examines the link between politics and regime shifts in monetary policy using two alternative approaches. First, empirical results show that both the presidential and Federal Reserve Bank (Fed) chairmanship regimes do not influence monetary policy under the assumption that the Fed closely follows an interest rate rule. On the other hand, evidence also suggests that changes in political regimes are able to account for the deviations from the optimal Taylor rule. (JELE52, E58, D78)

During the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), a number of countries suffered banking crises. This thesis comprises three parts on banking crisis prevention and management. The first part identifies banking crisis dates based on market information embedded in banking stocks. Specifically, the daily returns on banking system stock indices from a sample of countries over the period 1995 to 2010 are estimated using a Markov Switching Autoregressive (MS-AR) model to capture regime shift behaviour in both the mean and variance. Overall, evidence of three regimes (bull/bear/crisis) is found and banking crisis dates are identified in all the countries examined. The crisis regime is characterized by higher volatility and lower stock returns. This MS-AR modelling offers an alternative ex-ante method of crisis date identification and our identified crisis dates are, in general, consistent with the IMF’s ex-post crisis date classification. The second part of this thesis identifies the determinants of a banking crisis. A sample of developed countries in the U.S., Europe and Australasia are employed to identify whether systemic financial linkages together with conventional microeconomic and macroeconomic variables can be used as determinants of a crisis. Specifically, a panel probit model is estimated to explore determinants over the period from 1998 to 2010 for a sample of 11 countries. The best warning sign of the recent GFC was the interbank the Libor and Overnight Index Swap spread (LIBOR-OIS) which proxies for vulnerability of banking system liquidity. This finding is consistent with multiple instances of wholesale bank runs during the GFC, together with the associated sharp increases in liquidity premiums. The final part of this thesis examines different government intervention tools in response to a banking crisis to provide insight into the effect of changes in crisis management policy, which affect the probability of insulating an economy from the crisis, or alternatively the probability of ending or exacerbating the economy from the crisis. The impact of news announcements of government interventions of the 3 developed countries (the U.S., the U.K. and Japan), together with microeconomic and macroeconomic variables surrounding the period from 2007 to 2009 are estimated using a multi-state (no crisis, successful and unsuccessful defence states of the economies) multinomial logit model. The findings of the analysis for the third part indicate that liquidity policies and non-intervention policies increase the probability of successful defence. This finding is in line with the findings for the second part which suggest that the best predictor of the recent GFC was systemic liquidity shortages among banks. In contrast, monetary policy is ineffective in defending banking crises, as it increases the probability of an unsuccessful defence. In essence, governments and regulators should adopt liquidity policies during periods of banking crises but the findings of this thesis suggest they should not intervene otherwise.

How do economic agents manage anticipated shifts in regimes? How do they try to influence or prevent the arrival of such shifts? This paper provides a selective survey of the analysis of regime shifts from an economic viewpoint, with particular emphasis on the use of the techniques of optimal control theory and differential games. We examine the concepts of regime shifts, thresholds, and tipping points in both deterministic and stochastic settings, with or without ambiguity aversion. Applications to the analysis of political regime shifts are reviewed, with a focus on the role of policy instruments such as repression, redistribution, and gradual democratization. Other dynamic games involving regime shifts that we survey include games of resource exploitation and games in industrial organization theory (R&D races, sabotage against rivals to prevent entry). We compare regime shifts under a Big Push and gradual regime changes.

Anne Martineau s’intéresse à une lettre du roman de Sone de Nansay (vers 1280). Bien qu’il grouille de messages, celui-ci est le seul à être reproduit entièrement. C’est aussi le premier et le dernier écrit par Odée, princesse de Norvège, à Sone, qu’elle aime et veut épouser. Pour y parvenir, lui faut venir à bout de deux obstacles : le caractère du protagoniste, un « mélancolique » (dont les atermoiements irritent le lecteur lui-même), et les rumeurs malveillantes répandues sur son compte à elle : on prétend que Sone l’a « assoingnantie » (qu’il a couché avec elle). Aussi fait-elle appel à tous ses talents. Sa lettre est écrite en vers, s’accompagne de musique, et doit être chantée devant la cour de France (où séjourne Sone) par une musicienne de renom, à laquelle elle a fait longuement répéter son rôle, car elle s’insère dans une mise en scène complexe. Sa réussite est totale. La lettre-lai d’Odée prouve que l’amoureuse passionnée, combative, qu’on connaissait déjà, est aussi une artiste consommée et une (future) souveraine consciente de ses devoirs.

This study assesses the effectiveness of government initiatives and explores the impact of a shift in political regimes in reducing arms imports. We employ an Interrupted Time Series design using the Prais-Winsten Regression to assess the impact of India’s increased focus on achieving self-reliance in arms manufacturing with the change in political regimes in 2014. The time period analyzed is from 2004 to 2022. Our findings suggest that policies associated with the change in political regimes have succeeded in curbing arms imports. This paper offers insights into the broader implications of political regime changes on a nation’s quest for self-reliance in arms manufacturing, making it valuable for defense analysts and scholars specializing in international relations and arms trade.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image sizeKey words: InclusionCitizenshipDemocracyDifferenceInequalityHuman Development Notes 1 See Przeworski and Limongi (1993 Przeworski, A. and Limongi, F. 1993. ‘Political regimes and economic growth’. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 7(3): 51–69. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). There were, of course, other perspectives that did not share the premise of this binary, and reflected rather differently on the question of whether regime types actually have an exclusive, or even pre‐eminent, role in determining developmental outcomes. These convincingly contradicted the fundamental assumptions of that debate by identifying a range of factors other than regime type that were responsible for the success of the East Asian economies. Cf. Bardhan (1993 Bardhan, P. 1993. ‘Symposium on democracy and development’. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 7(3): 45–49. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 2 As Przeworski et al. subsequently wrote: “Albeit in omniscient retrospect, the entire controversy seems have been much ado about nothing” (2000 Przeworski, A., Alvarez, M.E., Cheibub, J.A. and Limongi, F. 2000. Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well‐Being in the World, 1950–1990, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], p. 178). 3 Singapore and South Korea, about which there may be some equivocation, stand at ranks 25 and 26, respectively (United Nations Development Programme, 2007 United Nations Development Programme. 2007. Human Development Report 2007/08: Fighting Climate Change: Human Solidarity in a Divided World, New York: United Nations. [Google Scholar], p. 234). 4 Twenty‐one countries are listed in the Low Human Development category — Senegal, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Tanzania, Guinea, Rwanda, Angola, Benin, Malawi, Zambia, Cote d’Ivoire, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Central African Republic, Mozambique, Mali, Niger, Guinea‐Bissau, Burkina Faso and Sierra Leone. South Africa and India — at ranks 121 and 128, respectively — are in the Medium Human Development category (United Nations Development Programme, 2007 United Nations Development Programme. 2007. Human Development Report 2007/08: Fighting Climate Change: Human Solidarity in a Divided World, New York: United Nations. [Google Scholar], pp. 236–237). 5 Cf. Byrne (2005 Byrne, D. 2005. Social Exclusion, Maidenhead: Open University Press. [Google Scholar], chap. 3). 6 See Benhabib (2004 Benhabib, S. 2004. The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 7 See Gore (1995 Gore, C. 1995. “‘Introduction: markets, citizenship and social exclusion’”. In Social Exclusion: Rhetoric, Reality, Responses, Edited by: Rodgers, G., Gore, C. and Figueiredo, J.B. 1–42. Geneva: International Institute for Labour Studies and UNDP. [Google Scholar]). 8 The idea of ‘citizenship regimes’ was first spelt out, in the Canadian context, by Jenson and Phillips (1996 Jenson, J. and Phillips, S.D. 1996. ‘Regime shift: new citizenship practices in Canada’. International Journal of Canadian Studies, 14: 111–135. [Google Scholar]). It has subsequently been developed upon by Deborah Yashar (2005 Yashar, D. 2005. Contesting Citizenship in Latin America: The Rise of Indigenous Movements and the Postliberal Challenge, Cambridge, Mass: Cambridge University Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) for the Latin American context. 9 Cf. Government of India (2006 Government of India. 2006. Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community in India: A Report, New Delhi: Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India. [Google Scholar]), better known as the Sachar Committee Report, after the name of its Chairperson, former Justice Rajinder Sachar. 10 This section draws on Jayal (2006 Jayal, N.G. 2006. Representing India: Ethnic Diversity and the Governance of Public Institutions, London: Palgrave Macmillan and UNRISD. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], chap. 2). 11 This section draws upon Jayal (forthcoming).

The effect of political and bureaucratic regime changes on Australia's real interest rate

Reviewed by: Modern French Literary Studies in the Classroom: Pedagogical Strategies Marvin Richards Stivale, Charles J., ed. Modern French Literary Studies in the Classroom: Pedagogical Strategies. New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 2004. Pp. 270. ISBN 0-8735-2805-0. While the field of second language acquisition has no shortage of theories and methodologies, exposed and debated in journals and books, and neatly condensed in a number of excellent works tailored for beginning and experienced "language" instructors, the same cannot be said of cultural and literary studies. That is, there are no handbooks for how to teach the nineteenth-century novel, for example. This is probably a good thing, given the myriad angles or even goals one could have, and the wide-open corpus of novels available, but it is also true that there is precious little guidance offered to graduate students or available to current faculty on how to approach – or improve – teaching "French Studies" after the beginning and intermediate language courses. This recent book on pedagogical strategies for "modern French literary studies" is anything but a manual or cookbook for teaching literature and culture. It is, however, a collection of twenty thoughtful essays written by teacher-scholars to illustrate and stimulate what editor Charles Stivale underlines in the first sentence of his introduction: "The operative principle that inspires this volume is succinct and deserves all the emphasis one can muster: TEACHING MATTERS" (1). Indeed, one could argue, as Stivale and his co-contributors [End Page 476] do, directly and indirectly, that the survival, or at least good health, of our discipline depends on good teaching. This volume, without falling into simplistic or fatalistic formulas, provides a wealth of ideas and inspiration to tackling the difficult pedagogical aspects of our field, from a multitude of positions that have in common a concern and enthusiasm for French studies. It is a welcome and highly recommended book that will appeal to both new and seasoned teachers, and even to departmental chairs and administrators, for it articulates the relevancy of literature and cultural studies as it offers food for thought on how and what we teach. It would be impossible in a short review to give fair treatment to all twenty essays, even though each deserves consideration. I will thus paint only the broad lines of the four sections, with due mention of the contributors. In the first section, "Instructing Readers: Linguistic and Literary Frameworks," the focus falls on integrating language and literary studies, and on fostering creativity as well as critical thinking in students. Kate Paesani examines the use of literature in beginning and intermediate language classes while David Powell shows how linguistics, from grammar to phonetics, can be incorporated into the study of literature. Gayle Levy shows how to read Mallarmé's difficult poem Un coup de dés in what she calls a polyphonic mode, dans tous les sens, tapping into a creative (and not strictly interpretive, exegetic) approach that even students in introductory literature classes can appreciate and that prepares them for other modernist works. The last essay in this section, by Lawrence Porter, Anita Alkhas, and Larry Kuiper, also places the importance on creativity and developing critical thinking, to foster good reading and writing practices, as well as originality and self-expression. The second part, "Exploring the Cultural: Pedagogical Devices," tackles the false dichotomy of literature and culture on the one hand, showing, with examples of genuine integration, at the undergraduate level, of cultural and literary studies with innovative and engaging approaches. Anne McCall describes her experience incorporating cultural studies into the traditional literature survey, in addition to employing group work in undergraduate research projects. This theme of collaborative work and integrating cultural studies also informs Adrianna Paliyenko's innovative course entitled "The cultural legacy of nineteenth-century France" in which students made PowerPoint presentations. Similarly, Kathryn Grossman shows how to enliven a course on Hugo with CD-Rom technologies. Véronique Flambard-Weisbart gives us an example of a global simulation for a course on literature and culture, while John Anzalone uses the concept of margins to teach fin-de-siècle texts at a "smallliberalartscollege" (sic, 108). Finally, Michael Garval brings together a...

Managing, Inducing, and Preventing Regime Shifts: A Review of the Literature

This paper analyses the long-run effects of financialisation and of the recent financial and economic crises for 15 countries. In order to provide a theoretical framework, we first outline three types of regimes under the conditions of financialisation, namely a debtled private demand boom, an export-led mercantilist, and a domestic demand-led regime. We then take a look at the sectoral financial balances of the main macroeconomic sectors and at the growth contributions of the demand aggregates for each of the 15 countries, focusing in particular on the trade cycle before the crises. This enables us to cluster these countries according to the typology of regimes and describe the development dynamics among various groups, which were complementary and often mutually reinforcing, in the years leading up to the crises. Subsequently, we focus on the period following the outbreak of the crises and, by considering transmission mechanisms and main obstacles to recovery, analyse how countries in each of these clusters were affected. Finally, we focus on the regime shifts which have taken place in the course of the crises and we discuss the implications of these recent developments for the world economy.