Abstract
In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized to target only positively valued person features on a goal. (ii) falls out directly from the Agree mechanism. (i) is a purely morphological phenomenon arising from the specification of local person exponents. Person portmanteaux are analyzed as inclusive markers in a derived inclusive context. Such a context can only emerge in local scenarios, which derives (iii). In general, the paper addresses the question how morphological theories that rely on discrete slots can handle portmanteaux by vocabulary insertion, without additional mechanisms like e.g. fusion. Keywords: Agree; relativized probing; person agreement; local scenarios; portmanteau morphemes; hierarchy effects; underspecification
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