A Phonological Sketch of Maring

Reviewed by: Language change by Joan Bybee Betty S. Phillips Language change. By Joan Bybee. (Cambridge textbooks in linguistics.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xviii, 292. ISBN 9781107655829. $29.99. In Language change, Bybee has created a book differing from earlier books on historical linguistics in its focus on how all languages at all stages are susceptible to change, following cognitive mechanisms operating in the process of language use. In a clear, direct style aimed at a student audience with a basic but solid background in linguistics, she takes particular interest in topics such as causes of change, directionality, grammaticalization, lexical diffusion, morphosyntactic constructions, and change in progress. Most examples are drawn from Germanic or Romance languages (often English and Spanish), but many are also provided from less familiar languages. Following a brief introductory chapter, Chs. 2–4 are devoted to sound change, presented at a depth that requires students to have a firm command of phonological terms and concepts. In line with B’s usage-based approach, assimilations and reductions are attributed to the ‘highly practiced neuromotor activity’ of sequences of articulatory gestures, constrained by communication goals, including social identification (38). One hallmark of B’s presentation is that she does not avoid points still under debate. For example, she defines sound change as ‘a change in the pronunciation of a segment within a word … conditioned by the phonetic environment’, adding that it is ‘typically regular’, explaining later that ‘regular’ does not mean that all words are affected simultaneously nor that sound changes are abrupt either phonetically or in their spread through the community (15–16). B then devotes a section to the topic of lexical diffusion, taking the view that ‘all sound changes have to diffuse through the lexicon in some way or another, gradually or abruptly, reaching completion or not’ (39), carefully distinguishing her stance from Labov’s (1981) distinction between ‘regular’ sound changes and lexically diffused ones. She provides examples of the most frequent words undergoing a sound change first, adding that combinations with other words might also serve as a conditioning environment and noting that the frequency of a word in such an environment might be the determining factor in how quickly a word undergoes a change. She ends that section with an acknowledgment that sometimes certain word classes change before others, and, in changes not based on automation of production, the least frequent words can change first (41). The chapter ends with discussions of fortition, insertion, and causes of sound change, including why children are unlikely to be the source of sound change. In Ch. 3, B expands the scope of sound change to include not only consequences of regular sound changes, such as splits and mergers, but also chain shifts and tone and prosodic changes, as well as dissimilation, metathesis, and changes in phonotactic patterns. Again, articulatory and usage motivations are emphasized. For example, phonologization of nasal vowels is said to begin with phonetic tendencies to overextend articulatory effects (49). The mental reanalysis becomes secondary, with a distinction being drawn between phonologization and phonemicization. Similarly, the exaggerated vowel lengthening that occurs in English before voiced consonants is described as phonologized, even though it is not phonemic (50). A section on ‘Changes in phoneme inventories’ is followed by one on ‘Vowel shifts’, which includes discussions of the Great Vowel Shift and the Northern Cities Vowel Shift, with attention to the role of perceptual distance in pull chains and drag chains, as well as studies in real and apparent time, ending with general principles of vowel shifts, including lexical effects. A discussion of the origin and evolution of stress accent and of tonal systems is followed by a section on dissimilation, metathesis, and phonotactically motivated change. A final section emphasizes the shared characteristics of causes of sound change. Ch. 4 discusses the interaction of sound change with morphology, based on the unidirectional tendency for phonetically motivated differences in sounds to become associated with meaning, leading to morphologization (76). Examples range from Maori passives to German umlaut plurals to French liaison. Rule inversion and rule telescoping are also discussed before B returns to a [End Page 724] discussion of the Neogrammarian hypothesis and...

The research discussed two points of phonological process related to changes in the syllable structure and nasalization in Makassar language. The data were analyzed by distributional and identity methods using a direct sorting technique. The affixes that form the verb of Makassar language were sorted by the type of prefix. Researchers also used the direct sorting form of phonetic articulation. The steps of analyzing data used Sudaryanto’s theory. The affixes that discussed in the research were /ak-/ and /an-/. The phonological process was described by using the theory of generative phonology of Schane. The result shows the types of sound and syllabic changing. They are; (a) sound changing of [ak-] becomes [ʔ] named glottalization; (b) sounds changing of [ak-] becomes nasalization; (c) gemination of [ak-] and [an-]; (d) sound changing of / an-/ becomes [aŋ-]; (e) sound release and insertion of prefix /an-/; (f) sound change and nasalization. The distinctive feature is used to explain the rules of the phonological process.

Sound Change: Phonetics

Previous studies on Cantonese tone merging have examined monosyllabic materials so far, yet disyllabic words are common in daily conversation. Sound change often originates from a pool of synchronic variations, and coarticulation from neighbouring units is a common source. The current study examined how tonal coarticulation in disyllabic words contributes to Cantonese tone merging by examining both monosyllabic and disyllabic data from 17 merging speakers and 2 reference speakers. Materials with well-controlled tonal context for the target tones appearing as the first and the second syllables in disyllabic words were used. Results showed that tonal coarticulation and tone merging coexist, with carryover coarticulation in extreme tonal contexts being the most vulnerable condition for change. Large amounts of individual variation were observed, both in terms of cross- and within-speaker variations which could blur the difference between merging and non-merging speakers. The disyllabic data reveal both the independence and interaction of coarticulation and sound change, and allow us to consider various factors in sound change from a wider perspective at the suprasegmental level.

Reviewed by: Contemporary views on architecture and representation in phonology San Duanmu Contemporary views on architecture and representation in phonology. By Eric Raimy and Charles Cairns. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009. Pp. 424. ISBN 9780262681728. $45. This book grew out of a conference under a similar title that took place at CUNY in 2004. As the title suggests, the book focuses on two fundamental issues in phonology: the architecture of [End Page 455] the phonological component and the representation of phonological objects. The book points out that the centrality of these issues has often been ignored since the rise of optimality theory (OT). The hope, therefore, is that by offering 'a coherent view of phonology that is not Optimality Theory based' (back cover), the book can complement OT and move the field beyond it. The representations of three phonological objects are discussed in some detail: the speech sound, the syllable, and metrical structure. The term 'architecture' refers to a modular view of grammar: in particular, what modules there are in phonology, the interactions among them, and the interaction between phonology and other parts of grammar. The book has nineteen chapters. Ch. 1 is an overview written by the editors. It nicely summarizes the goals of the book and the contents of the chapters to follow. Chs. 2–4 deal with the representation of speech sounds, or feature theory. Ch. 2 is written by G. NICK CLEMENTS, a pioneer in feature geometry. He first argues for the importance of distinctive features and against 'a tendency to reduce or eliminate the role of features' (20). He then proposes a theory called 'feature economy', or E = S/F, where S is the number of sounds (phonemes) in a language, F the number of features needed to distinguish S, and E the value of feature economy. Clements suggests that there is a pressure for every language to maximize its E, which could be achieved in two ways. First, a language can try to increase S without increasing F (by filling distributional gaps with new sounds). Second, a language can try to decrease F without a significant decrease in S (by dropping some 'odd sounds' that require extra features). The theory makes some strong predictions. In particular, feature economy is a driving force in sound change, and the E value of a language should increase over time. This is, presumably, not always the case, even though Clements tried to gather supporting evidence from the UPSID database. Therefore, Clements proposes some additional constraints: avoiding marked features, favoring 'robust' features, and enhancement (adding or favoring features if they can enhance perception). These constraints can conflict with feature economy and with each other, a point that would resonate with OT. The importance of features is echoed by MORRIS HALLE (Ch. 3) and BERT VAUX (Ch. 4). Some questions remain in feature theory itself, however. For example, Halle questions Clements's choice of certain features, in particular [palatal] and [voice]. Similarly, Vaux asks whether features should be binary, equipollent, or privative, whether we should assume full specification or underspecification, and how markedness is determined. Vaux also questions the nature of feature economy (is it an intentional plan of the mind or an emerging result of competing forces?), and points out some pitfalls in using phonemic corpora. Bert Vaux and ANDREW WOLFE wrote the lead chapter on syllable structure (Ch. 5), which is followed by three commentary chapters. Vaux and Wolfe offer a theory of 'appendix', or how to treat an extra C before or after a syllable. Evidently, once appendices are excluded, syllable structures become simpler and the sonority sequencing requirement is better observed. Vaux and Wolfe propose that an extra C must be attached to a higher prosodic unit (e.g. a foot or a P-word), and a language can choose whether to allow such an attachment and to which prosodic level the attachment is made. It is worth noting that, since a word can contain two or more feet, if appendices can attach to a foot, then extra Cs can be found in word-medial positions, which does not seem to happen, at least in English (Borowsky 1989...

Phonological Variation and Sound Change in Atayal1 Der-Hwa V. Rau Three phonological variables in Atayal, (p), (m), and (l), have been identified by Li (1982) as evidencing sound change in progress. Older people tend to retain word-final [-p], [-m], and [-l], while younger people are replacing them with word-final [-k], [-ŋ], and [-n], respectively. In a recent study of Atayalic dialects, Rau (in press) discovered that new variants that do not seem to be determined by the age factor are present in the patterning. The current study explores how age, gender, social class, and social network are related to the use of these three variables in the Mstbon community. The directionality and implicational patterning of the sound change are also explored. The results indicate that the phonological variation in (m) and (l) is correlated with age, but that word-final [-p] has almost completed its change to [-k] in the community. In fact, a new variant [-t] is emerging, led by the highest social class. The direction of sound change for (p) and (m) shifts towards simplification, while the new variant for (l) arises possibly due to language contact. Furthermore, lexical diffusion plays a role in the change. Some lexical items have completed the change to new forms while others contain residues. 1. Introduction This study investigates how social factors are related to phonological variation and sound change in progress in the Squliq variety of Atayal spoken in the Mstbon community.2 Located in Faxiang village, Ren'ai township, Nantou county, where the Atayalic dialects are most diversified (Li 1993), this community is reputed to be the original home of the Atayal. The population of Faxiang village was 935 in 1996, according to the survey conducted by the Office of Family Registrar. More than one-third of these people are in the Ruiyan community (~350), and the male/female ratio is estimated to be 1.5:1. Li (1982) compared phonological data from 14 Atayalic dialects, not including the Mstbon dialect, and proposed the following four types of linguistic variation for different age groups: [End Page 144] 1. p ~ -k, -m ~ ŋ 2. -g ~ -w or -g ~ -y 3. -l ~ -n 4. -t ~ -c Older speakers retained the forms on the left of the alternation sign( "~"), while younger speakers used the forms on the right. Those in between showed gradual changes and used "free variants." He also observed that gender determined variation in some cases. Males were in the lead in the Skikun dialect whereas females were in the lead in the Inago dialect. Furthermore, the lexical application of a sound change was found to be gradual in the case of Skikun and Inago, where the lexical diffusion was manifested in the speech of different age groups (i.e., "successive generations"), rather than in the speech of the same adult speaker as the speaker gets older. Although Li's methodology is based on historical linguistics and traditional dialectology, he has certainly made several important observations and hypotheses on sound change that await further quantitative analyses based on a methodology of sociolinguistic variation. Among the phonological variation identified by Li (1982), three phonological variables stand out because they have either been cited as a well-known case of sound change in Atayal or observed in studies of other Atayalic dialects. For example, (p) and (m) were cited as an example of sound change determined by age in a basic linguistics text (Ho 1993:110-111) and (l) was observed to vary between different age groups in Pyasan dialect (Papa 1995:6) and Mabalay dialect (Lambert 1999:5). The three variables were identified as undergoing sound change in progress; older people tend to retain word final [-p], [-m], and [-l], while younger ones are replacing them with word final [-k], [-ŋ], and [-n], respectively. The overall direction of sound change in the Atayalic group was found to move towards simplification or "unmarkedness" (Li 1982). Nevertheless, in a recent study of Atayalic dialects, Rau (in press) discovered that new variants that do not seem to be determined by the age factor are present in the patterning. In fact, the change from labials to velars is not completed in Mstbon, contrary to what...

Phonological Variation and Sound Change in Atayal1 Der-Hwa V. Rau Three phonological variables in Atayal, (p), (m), and (l), have been identified by Li (1982) as evidencing sound change in progress. Older people tend to retain word-final [-p], [-m], and [-l], while younger people are replacing them with word-final [-k], [-ŋ], and [-n], respectively. In a recent study of Atayalic dialects, Rau (in press) discovered that new variants that do not seem to be determined by the age factor are present in the patterning. The current study explores how age, gender, social class, and social network are related to the use of these three variables in the Mstbon community. The directionality and implicational patterning of the sound change are also explored. The results indicate that the phonological variation in (m) and (l) is correlated with age, but that word-final [-p] has almost completed its change to [-k] in the community. In fact, a new variant [-t] is emerging, led by the highest social class. The direction of sound change for (p) and (m) shifts towards simplification, while the new variant for (l) arises possibly due to language contact. Furthermore, lexical diffusion plays a role in the change. Some lexical items have completed the change to new forms while others contain residues. 1. Introduction This study investigates how social factors are related to phonological variation and sound change in progress in the Squliq variety of Atayal spoken in the Mstbon community.2 Located in Faxiang village, Ren'ai township, Nantou county, where the Atayalic dialects are most diversified (Li 1993), this community is reputed to be the original home of the Atayal. The population of Faxiang village was 935 in 1996, according to the survey conducted by the Office of Family Registrar. More than one-third of these people are in the Ruiyan community (~350), and the male/female ratio is estimated to be 1.5:1. Li (1982) compared phonological data from 14 Atayalic dialects, not including the Mstbon dialect, and proposed the following four types of linguistic variation for different age groups: [End Page 144] 1. p ~ -k, -m ~ ŋ 2. -g ~ -w or -g ~ -y 3. -l ~ -n 4. -t ~ -c Older speakers retained the forms on the left of the alternation sign( "~"), while younger speakers used the forms on the right. Those in between showed gradual changes and used "free variants." He also observed that gender determined variation in some cases. Males were in the lead in the Skikun dialect whereas females were in the lead in the Inago dialect. Furthermore, the lexical application of a sound change was found to be gradual in the case of Skikun and Inago, where the lexical diffusion was manifested in the speech of different age groups (i.e., "successive generations"), rather than in the speech of the same adult speaker as the speaker gets older. Although Li's methodology is based on historical linguistics and traditional dialectology, he has certainly made several important observations and hypotheses on sound change that await further quantitative analyses based on a methodology of sociolinguistic variation. Among the phonological variation identified by Li (1982), three phonological variables stand out because they have either been cited as a well-known case of sound change in Atayal or observed in studies of other Atayalic dialects. For example, (p) and (m) were cited as an example of sound change determined by age in a basic linguistics text (Ho 1993:110-111) and (l) was observed to vary between different age groups in Pyasan dialect (Papa 1995:6) and Mabalay dialect (Lambert 1999:5). The three variables were identified as undergoing sound change in progress; older people tend to retain word final [-p], [-m], and [-l], while younger ones are replacing them with word final [-k], [-ŋ], and [-n], respectively. The overall direction of sound change in the Atayalic group was found to move towards simplification or "unmarkedness" (Li 1982). Nevertheless, in a recent study of Atayalic dialects, Rau (in press) discovered that new variants that do not seem to be determined by the age factor are present in the patterning. In fact, the change from labials to velars is not completed in Mstbon, contrary to what...

John Ohala claimed that the source of sound change may lie in misperceptions which can be replicated in the laboratory. We tested this claim for a historical change of /t/ to /k/ in the coda in the Southern Min dialect of Chaoshan. We conducted a forced-choice segment identification task with CVC syllables in which the final C varied across the segments [p t k ʔ] in addition to a number of further variables, including the V, which ranged across [i u a]. The results from three groups of participants whose native languages have the coda systems /p t k ʔ/ (Zhangquan), /p k ʔ/ (Chaoshan) and /p t k/ (Dutch) indicate that [t] is the least stably perceived segment overall. It is particularly disfavoured when it follows [a], where there is a bias towards [k]. We argue that this finding supports a perceptual account of the historically documented scenario whereby a change from /at/ to /ak/ preceded and triggered a more general merger of /t/ with /k/ in the coda of Chaoshan. While we grant that perceptual sound changes are not the only or even the most common type of sound change, the fact that the perception results are essentially the same across the three language groups lends credibility to Ohala's perceptually motivated sound changes.

Which Sounds Change:Descent and Borrowing in the Skou Family1 Mark Donohue Abstract The process of establishing genetic relationships in the endeavor of historical linguistics is complicated by the fact that some, if not most, languages show no inclination to "behave themselves" by reflecting only material inherited from their protolanguage. Borrowing at many levels is rife in many languages, particularly when geographic separation is slight, and when social contact is frequent. When both language-internal change and language-external change happen during the same time frame, sorting out relations can be complicated. In this article I show that not all sounds behave equally with respect to areal spread. This is presented through a study of sound changes in the Skou languages of New Guinea, and a survey of other reports of diffusing behavior from elsewhere. Recognizing and working with these differences can allow us to sort out relative chronologies and thus historical relations in even complex scenarios of borrowing and change. 1. Introduction. This article presents historical argumentation for a small family of languages spoken in the center of the north coast of New Guinea. In addition to presenting some primary data for a family that has previously been under-described, even from a New Guinea perspective, it also attempts to highlight the methodological issues of using the comparative method in a New Guinea context, issues that were raised by Foley (1986) (see 1.1). Unlike Foley's case study of Lower Sepik languages, the languages of the Skou family are spoken in a small and geographically accessible region, and so show a lot more cross-influence than do Foley's group; this could be expected to represent a more complicated picture. This is in fact the case. Accordingly, this article shows in practice the tangle of dialect-like diffusion mixed with genetic inheritance that characterizes most contiguous language families in New Guinea, and establishes a set of principles for operating in this jungle. 1.1 Theoretical Goals. Sorting a set of isoglosses into those representing diffusion and those representing inheritance is not a new issue in historical linguistics, [End Page 171] and has been the subject of much discussion in the literature since the Family tree (Stammbaum) and Wave model (Wellentheorie) models were proposed in the nineteenth century (Schleicher 1860, Schmidt 1872). While much work has shown that these two models are not in fact mutually exclusive (e.g., Labov 1981, Ross 1988, 1997a), there is still a gulf between them conceptually. It is clear that there are procedural gains to be had with either of these models, but the question of how to sort the data into different sets, one set for analysis by cladistic techniques, one for analysis by diffusion, is not clear. In common with the more familiar European situation, New Guinea presents similar challenges for cladistic or diffusional analysis. With New Guinea historical linguistics, however, the issues occur on a greater scale. Both socially and geographically, New Guinea is a milieu that lends itself to more intense contact with more diverse neighbors than the large nation-states that characterize Europe, for almost all societies in the region are small scale. To quote Foley (1986:208, 209): "Borrowing has occurred on a massive scale in most European languages, but by a judicious blend of the use of the comparative method and the sifting of written documents, the sorting of cognates from borrowings has been largely accomplished. With Papuan languages, we face a much more daunting assignment. Papuan language families are small and are generally spoken in small areas. The languages are usually contiguous, and have been so for millennia. ... Papuan languages normally exhibit a pattern of enormous cross-influence in all areas; so in no sense can the assumption that the daughter languages develop independently be taken as viable in this context." In this article, I show how we can, through the careful use of existing methodologies, sort out the inherited, taxon-defining changes from the diffusing—and thus network-defining—changes in the one family, namely, that which contains Skou and the languages of the West Vanimo coast. The smaller Skou family is a convenient point for starting to examine the competing roles of...

The preceding chapters have presented data supporting a number of conclusions regarding the lexical diffusion of sound change, including the following: • Phonetically gradual and phonetically abrupt changes are both lexically diffused. • Whether the most frequent words or the least frequent are affected first in a sound change is dependent on the degree of analysis required in order to implement the change. Changes that affect the most frequent words require no analysis beyond the phonetic encoding. Changes that affect the least frequent words first require such analysis (word class, syllable structure, phonotactic constraints, etc.) • Lexical diffusion occurs within phonological environments. There is therefore no dichotomy between lexically diffused changes and phonetically conditioned changes. A sound change usually proceeds through phonetic analogy, i.e. by making connections between phonetically similar portions in the phonological representations of lexemes. • Word class and word frequency are independent influences upon the direction of a sound change. Lexical diffusion occurs within word classes, probably because word class is accessed in production prior to phonological form. • Function words change first in weakening sound changes, whereas content words change first in strengthening sound changes. • Lexical diffusion is one part of the implementation of a sound change. As a change is dispersing through the population and across phonological environments, it is simultaneously being diffused through the lexicon. • Word frequency effects are found in production, not in perception. • Lexical representations, including phonological representations, are linked in a connectionist network to other lexical representations, allowing generalizations to emerge which form the basis for the spread of the sound change to new words depending on phonetic or morphological resemblance. • Connections between lexical items can also lead to generalizations based on morphology or semantics, resulting in so-called “gang effects” (as in the patterning together of why, what, when, where in the loss of /h/ before /w/). • A usage-based, connectionist phonology best accounts for the varying routes of sound change. If words are stored in the lexicon and the phonology emerges from lexical connections, then the path of a sound change may be affected by any information in the lexicon, whether it be word frequency, word class, neighborhood density, semantics, or social correlates. KeywordsLexical DecisionWord FrequencyLexical ItemPhonological RepresentationLexical RepresentationThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

All levels of language analysis are prone to changes in their phonology, morphology, graphology, lexis, semantics and syntax over the years. Tiv language is not an exception to this claim. This study investigates various aspects of phonological or sound changes in Tiv language. This paper therefore classifies sound changes in Tiv; states causes of sound changes in Tiv and explores implications of sound changes. The research design used in this paper is purposive sampling of relevant data. The instrument used in this paper is the observation method in which the author selected words that showed epenthesis, deletion and substitution. It has been noted that the use of archaic spellings in the Modern Tiv literatures shows their ancientness. Phonological change is not a deviation but a sign of language growth and changes in spellings result in changes in sounds. The author recommends that scholars should write papers or critical works on lexical/morphological, syntactic, semantic, graphological changes in Tiv language. Students should write projects, dissertations and theses on language change and diachronic linguistics. This study introduces Tiv historical linguistics and diachronic phonology which serve as catalysts for the study of Tiv language. The understanding of Tiv sound change provides students with a much better understanding of Tiv phonological system in general, of how Tiv phonology works and how the phonemes fit together

Abstract: All levels of language analysis are prone to changes in their phonology, morphology, graphology, lexis, semantics and syntax over the years. Tiv language is not an exception to this claim. This study investigates various aspects of phonological or sound changes in Tiv language. This paper therefore classifies sound changes in Tiv; states causes of sound changes in Tiv and explores implications of sound changes. The research design used in this paper is purposive sampling of relevant data. The instrument used in this paper is the observation method in which the author selected words that showed epenthesis, deletion and substitution. It has been noted that the use of archaic spellings in the Modern Tiv literatures shows their ancientness. Phonological change is not a deviation but a sign of language growth and changes in spellings result in changes in sounds. The author recommends that scholars should write papers or critical works on lexical/morphological, syntactic, semantic, graphological changes in Tiv language. Students should write projects, dissertations and theses on language change and diachronic linguistics. This study introduces Tiv historical linguistics and diachronic phonology which serve as catalysts for the study of Tiv language. The understanding of Tiv sound change provides students with a much better understanding of Tiv phonological system in general, of how Tiv phonology works and how the phonemes fit together.

This book addresses the question: why do sound changes happen when and where they do? It discusses the origins of a series of sound changes in English. It relates the arguments to larger questions about the nature of explanation in history and historical linguistics, and examines the interplay between sound change and social change. Drawing on the latest research in linguistics and history, it shows how insights in one field illuminate the other. After the opening chapter describing the book's approach and a general theoretical framework for the study of sound-change, the book discusses problems of evidence and considers the nature of phonological processes. It then presents detailed investigations of major sound-changes from three transitional periods: first, when English emerged as a language distinct from the other West Germanic varieties; secondly, during the transition from Old to Middle English; and thirdly, during the time when Middle English evolved into Modern English.

Mungaka (Bali) dictionary rev. and trans. by Johannes Stöckle (review)

1. Preface 2. Program 3. Synchronic, diachronic, and panchronic linguistics (by Christie, Jr., William M.) 4. The interplay between diachronic linguistics and dialectology: Some refinements of Trudgill's formula (by Gerritsen, Marinel) 5. Development of tones in languages with distinctive tonal accents (by Gvozdanovic, Jadranka) 6. Diachrony in synchrony (by Hammarstrom, Goran) 7. Determinism in linguistics: neogrammarian and transformationalist (by Hewson, John) 8. Historical development of tone patterns (by Hombert, Jean-Marie) 9. Short-term and long-term teleology in linguistic change (by Itkonen, Esa) 10. Sound change and perceptual compensation (by Janson, Tore) 11. The neogrammarian doctrine: breakthrough or extension of the Schleicherian paradigm (by Koerner, E.F.K.) 12. Observations on the sources, transmission, and meaning of 'Indo-european' and related terms in the development of linguistics (by Koerner, E.F.K.) 13. Semantic investiture of underspecified units in syntax (by Langhoff, Stephan) 14. The phonetic nature of the Neo-Stokavian accent shifts in Serbo-croatian (by Lehiste, Ilse) 15. Homo : Humus and the semitic counterparts: The oldest culturally significant Etymology? (by Levin, Saul) 16. La desinence feminine -esse (by Lofstedt, Leena) 17. Between monogenesis and polygenesis (by Malkiel, Yakov) 18. On comparative syntax (by Mithun, Marianne) 19. A syntactic correlate of style switching in the Canterbury tales (by Ness, Lynn) 20. Evidence of auslautsverhartung in old saxon (by Odwarka, Karl) 21. The application of the comparative method to the philippine languages (by Paz, Consuelo J.) 22. Historical analogy and the peircean categories (by Rauch, Irmengard) 23. The PIE word order controversy and word order in lithuanian (by Reklaitis, Janine K.) 24. On the problem of merger (by Ringgaard, Kristian) 25. The word-and-paradigm model and linguistic change: the verbal system of ojibwa (by Wolfart, H. Christoph) 26. Indices