A perfect umma? How ethnicity shapes the organization and operation of Dagestan's jihadist groups

Este artículo compara las condiciones políticas, sociales e históricas del Estado de Irak en el momento de la expansión territorial de Daesh con las condiciones políticas, sociales e históricas presentes actualmente en el Estado de Mali. Para el análisis se emplea el modelo de extremismo de John M. Berger, las diversas teorías sociológicas que lo acompañan y otros análisis sobre la presencia de potencias extranjeras en Estados débiles. El análisis a través de este modelo permite constatar cómo se han forjado las identidades grupales tanto en Irak como en Mali, cómo estos grupos han entrado en conflicto en ocasiones patrocinados por potencias extranjeras y cómo las organizaciones yihadistas han aprovechado el conflicto intergrupos para engrosar sus filas, legitimarse, y en el caso de Daesh, expandirse para fundar un Califato en Oriente Medio. Tras establecer similitudes y diferencias entre los casos de Irak y Mali, se determina si una expansión similar a la de Daesh y protagonizada por grupos yihadistas podría tener lugar en el territorio maliense.

A robust relationship between perceived racial discrimination and psychological distress has been established. Yet, mixed evidence exists regarding the extent to which ethnic identification moderates this relationship, and scarce attention has been paid to the moderating role of national identification. We propose that the role of group identifications in the perceived discrimination-psychological distress relationship is best understood by simultaneously and interactively considering ethnic and national identifications. A sample of 259 Asian American students completed measures of perceived discrimination, group identifications (specific ethnic identification stated by respondents and national or "mainstream American" identification), and psychological distress (anxiety and depression symptoms). Regression analyses revealed a significant three-way interaction of perceived discrimination, ethnic identification, and national identification on psychological distress. Simple-slope analyses indicated that dual identification (strong ethnic and national identifications) was linked to a weaker relationship between perceived discrimination and psychological distress compared with other group identification configurations. These findings underscore the need to consider the interconnections between ethnic and national identifications to better understand the circumstances under which group identifications are likely to buffer individuals against the adverse effects of racial discrimination.

1. Introduction The world around us is shrinking continually--distances and boundaries that previously held considerable separation power have been markedly eroded by developments in technology and international cooperation. This has created many new situations of intercultural contact, highlighted previously existing identity conflicts and brought to the fore a number of new ones. To tackle the resulting challenges adequately, researchers have focused considerable effort in investigating the field of acculturation and bicultural identity formation. Although various multiculturalism issues have been studied for some time already, there is yet no widespread agreement concerning the strategies used by individuals and groups in forming a bicultural identity and in combining the ethnic and national dimensions of identity (Phinney et al. 2001, Sidanius et al.). One of the central problems of multiculturalism lies in the fact that minorities tend to draw a distinction between the ethnic and the national identity, while majority groups do not, because their ethnic and national identity usually coincide. In the current study we define these component identities as follows: ethnic identity focuses on the feeling of belonging to one's group of origin, i.e. ethnic group (Phinney 1990), while national identity refers to feelings of belonging to a larger society or a state, and involves a political or a civic component (Smith 1991, Phinney et al. 2001). For members of an ethnic minority both identities--ethnic and national--are necessary for effective adaptation (Oudenhoven 2006). Such adaptation, in turn, tends to correlate with higher life satisfaction (Pavot and Diener 2008). While most immigrant groups demonstrate a relatively strong ethnic identity, the strength of their national identity as well as the strength and direction of the relationship between their ethnic and national identity is shown to be more variable and to relate to the specific acculturation context (Phinney et al. 2001). National identity is clearly the more complicated component of the two, because embracing the national identity of the host country presumes, on the one hand, that the minorities are willing to adopt it and, on the other hand, that the host majority is ready to share it. The study reported in this article investigated the relationship between ethnic identities and the Estonian national identity (1) among different ethnic groups in Estonia. The aim of the study was to identify those aspects of identity that facilitate the development of a shared national identity. In order to be acceptable to and meaningful for both the country's ethnic minorities and the majority group, these aspects must be culturally open. A national identity constructed on their basis will be referred to below as the Estonian Open Identity (EOI). The authors' general interest was to find out whether and how the ethnic and national identity of the host group (ethnic Estonians) facilitates the development of a healthy, fulfilling bicultural identity among the country's minorities. EOI should be easily combinable with different ethnic identities and thus facilitate bicultural identity development. The principal research question underlying the study was: What are or could be the dimensions of the Estonian national identity that are open enough to allow adoption to be adopted by all ethnic groups in Estonia? 1.1 Ethnic minority acculturation and bicultural identity Preserving one's ethnic identity and adopting the national majority identity of the society or state of residence can be viewed as expressions of the two main dimensions of psychological acculturation--maintenance or loss of the original culture and adoption of or separation from the new host culture. There are several models of acculturation to account for the process of cultural and psychological change that takes place in the host and home culture, or in the national and ethnic identity of minority group members (for a comprehensive overview see LaFromboise et al. …

Ethnic identity is a significant factor related to self-concept and psychological development and similar to other aspects of identity, is of particular importance during the adolescent years when there is increased vulnerability to drug involvement. However, much of the research relative to adolescent drug use has focused on the annual and current prevalence rates among particular ethnic groups with little attention to ethnic or group identity issues. However, it is important to study and compare ethnic and group identity and its correlates to drug use. This article presents face-to-face interview questionnaire measures of ethnic identity as measured by affirmation and belongingness, ethnic identity achievement, ethnic behavior, and other group orientation [1], and drug use as measured by misuse, abuse, and chemical dependency diagnoses [2]. The questionnaires were administered to 127 (60 Ethnic, 67 White) adolescents from ethnically diverse schools in a large urban school district in the Pacific Northwest. The relationship of ethnic identity to drug use was examined. This study indicates that the questionnaire measures can be used to examine similarities and differences in ethnic identity and drug use among adolescents from different ethnic groups. A key finding of this study was that white adolescents scored lower in ethnic identity than did members of the four ethnic minority groups and the mixed racial group. However, the most significant key finding was that in the ethnic minority sample high levels of cultural identity were associated with heavy drug use. The results of this study suggest that social influences may play a larger role in the development of heavy drug use irrespective of the nature and origins of these social influences.

This dissertation project examines the Social Protection Floor Initiative (SPF-I), a global social policy initiative that brought together various international organizations which have traditionally had divergent social policy approaches. Since the launch of the SPF-I in 2009, most of the major international organizations in the development field became part of the Initiative and engaged in the Social Protection Floor (SPF) policy at varying levels. This project focuses on six international organizations, namely the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the World Health Organization (WHO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The overarching research question is, “what explains the extent of, and the variation in, the international organizations’ adoption of a given policy (in this case, the SPF)?” In order to explain the extent of policy adoption in international organizations, a policy adoption matrix has been developed. This matrix helps to identify each international organization as a policy leader, policy follower, or policy supporter based on the following parameters: the speed and the timing of policy adoption, the level of commitment, the breadth of organizational buy-in, and the scope of policy adoption. While the UNICEF, the UNDP, and the WHO are identified as policy leaders, the OECD is identified as a policy follower, and the World Bank and the IMF are identified as policy supporters. Next, this study explains why these international organizations are policy leaders, followers, or supporters. The analysis of policy adoption in the six international organizations reveals that: (i) the presence of policy entrepreneurs within relevant networks and the policy’s good fit in the organizations’ outlook explain why the UNICEF, the UNDP, and the WHO are policy leaders, (ii) the role of member states and the policy’s poor fit in the organization’s outlook explain the OECD’s role as a policy follower, and (iii) the external pressures and the policy’s poor fit in the organizations’ outlook explain why the World Bank and the IMF are policy supporters. This analysis concludes with an analytical framework towards a theory of policy adoption in international organizations.

Subject Counterterrorism in Burkina Faso. Significance Despite recent gains against jihadist groups, in recent months attacks have moved beyond the more insecure north and started to occur more frequently in the east and parts of the centre. Separately, authorities are growing increasingly intolerant of public dissent and protest, while revelations of abuses by the military risk scuppering crucial local community support necessary for counterinsurgency operations. Impacts The government will face growing political and public pressure to end persistent strikes. Patriotic support for the armed forces remains widespread, but growing revelations of abuse will tarnish its image. Opposition criticisms of the government’s counterterrorism strategy will increase but avoid directly blaming the military. Public dissatisfaction may grow with the Sahel Group of Five (G5) regional force if the slow pace of its operations persists. The prosecution of alleged coup plotter Gilbert Diendere will enjoy public backing amid calls for justice for victims of the old regime.

In order to examine ethnic and American identity as predictors of self-esteem among adolescents, we surveyed 669 American-born high school students (372 Latinos, 232 African Americans, and 65 Whites). Participants completed measures of self-esteem, ethnic identity, American identity, attitudes toward other groups, and demographic variables. Multiple regression analyses of self-esteem were carried out separately for each ethnic group, using ethnic and American identity, other-group attitudes, gender, age, socioeconomic status, and grade point average as predictors. Results indicated that for all groups ethnic identity was a significant predictor of self-esteem. For the White students only, American identity was a strong predictor of self-esteem and was highly correlated with ethnic identity. Other predictors varied across ethnic groups. Although ethnic identity was a significant predictor of self-esteem, it accounted for a relatively small proportion of the variance, suggesting the importance of other influences on self-esteem.

This study investigated the relationship of ego identity to ethnocentrism, ethnic identification, and cognitive complexity. A sample of 378 Israeli high school students were administered: (a) the Adolescent Ego Identity Scale, (b) Ethnocentrism and Ethnic Group Identification Scale, and (c) Role Repertory Test. In a four-way analysis of variance, low as compared to high ethnocentric persons were higher in ego identity. Persons with high as compared to low ethnic identification were higher in ego identity. An inverted U-shaped relationship was found between ego identity and cognitive complexity only for the Western group. Ego identity, however, was related to the interaction of ethnic group, ethnocentrism, and ethnic identification, indicating the importance of considering all three ethnic variables simultaneously. While ethnocentrism was related to ego identity in both ethnic groups, ethnic identification was related to ego identity only in the Oriental group, among whom those with low ethnocentrism and high ethnic identification achieved the highest ego identity score. A social-personality explanation was used to interpret the results.

In this article, the authors examine the conceptualization and measurement of ethnic identity as a multidimensional, dynamic construct that develops over time through a process of exploration and commitment. The authors discuss the components of ethnic identity that have been studied and the theoretical background for a developmental model of ethnic identity. The authors review research on the measurement of ethnic identity using the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (J. Phinney, 1992) and present a revised version of the measure. The authors conclude with a consideration of the measurement issues raised by J. E. Helms (2007) and K. Cokley (2007) and suggestions for future research on ethnic identity. Ethnic identity is many faceted. This is made clear in the special issue of which this article is a part. But recognizing that ethnic identity has many facets is merely a start to understanding it. Ethnic identity derives from a sense of peoplehood within a group, a culture, and a particular setting. Yet ethnic identity is not merely knowledge and understanding of one's ingroup affiliations, even as such insights and comprehension are part of it. The achievement of a secure ethnic identity derives from experience, but experience is not sufficient to produce it. Because one's ethnic identity is con- structed over time, the actions and choices of individuals are essential to the process. Ethnic identity is distinct in some ways from other group identities, such as racial identity, but it also shares aspects of both personal and group identities. Our purpose in this article was to examine the conceptualization and measurement of ethnic identity from social psychological and developmental perspectives. We first review the various dimen- sions of ethnic identity that have been proposed in the literature. We then discuss the theoretical and empirical basis for understand- ing ethnic identity as a developmental process. We review research on the measurement of ethnic identity based on the widely used Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM, Phinney, 1992; Rob- erts et al., 1999), discuss recent measurement research that has led to a revision of the MEIM, and present a revised version of the MEIM. We conclude with a discussion of issues that might be profitably considered in future ethnic identity research, with a consideration of the ideas and recommendations offered by Helms (2007) and Cokley (2007). In keeping with the focus of the special issue, we discuss ethnic identity with reference to ethnic minorities in the United States.

Language learning is inextricably linked to a social context, and this implies that context-related social variables, such as ethnicity or attitudes, can influence how language learning unfolds. Among the many group-engendered social factors, ethnic identity appears to have interesting consequences for language teaching and learning (Pavlenko & Blackledge 2004). Indeed, issues of personal and group identity often become important when individuals or groups come in contact with one another to learn a language. Briefly, ethnic identity refers to a person's subjective experience of being a part of an ethnic group (Ashmore, Deaux & McLaughlin-Volpe 2004). For second language (L2) learners, the two relevant groups are usually their primary (home) ethnic group and the L2 community. We report here on the research that we have been conducting at Concordia University in Montreal, as part of the Centre for the Study of Learning and Performance, with the goal of investigating the role of ethnic group identity in L2 learning.

Historically, ethnic nationalism has played a central role in consolidating Koreans in times of hardship. This tendency continues today; as South Korea is transitioning from a homogeneous ethnic society to a multi-ethnic one, schools face a new challenge to embrace diversity. Oppressions that ethnic minority students experience are often associated with Korean ethnic nationalism. This study examines South Korean teachers' values and viewpoints regarding ethnic nationalism, and how these teachers make sense of ethnic nationalism in facing multicultural education and globalization. Participant teachers in this study overall believed that instilling strong Korean ethnic identity and pride would not conflict with enhancing multiculturalism, and identified various ways to accomplish these two aspects. Some felt the former should be implemented prior to the latter, while others indicated that concurrent integration of the two aspects would be preferable. The majority held that emphasizing a strong Korean ethnic identity would not oppress or disadvantage minority students. Teacher education programs for pre-service and in-service teachers should intentionally focus on critical reflection regarding one's group identity, as this may become a source of prejudice and unintentional oppression of members from different groups. The overarching goals of ethnic identity education and multicultural education should be established within the framework of social equity. The current status of "hybrid" based ethnic and national identity education should be challenged in that it tends to position the ethnic identity education separately from multicultural education. The two areas need to be integrated to embrace and affirm diversity.

Risky movies, risky behaviors, and ethnic identity among Black adolescents

Significance There was no immediate claim of responsibility, but jihadist groups have been expanding their area of operations in recent years from northern Mali and southern Libya to West Africa. Impacts Al-Qaida will exploit ethnic cleavages and socio-economic grievances to gain local support. The terrorist group will encourage the creation of more home-grown jihadist groups in West Africa. Successful kidnappings of Westerners will boost the morale and recruitment capacity of jihadists.

A lack definitional clarity in the conceptualization of ethnicity, ethnic identity and ethnic group inhibits the development of a coherent investigation and discussion of the relevance of ethnicity as the focus of a marketing strategy. The strong tendency is to categorize individuals into “ethnic groups” based on characteristics defining an ethnic group, regardless of an individual”s felt affinity with that group. This equates to a social group with shared values and interactions, unable to explain/predict marketing relevant behaviour. It is the sense and strength of shared ethnic identity that sets the relevance of ethnicity and the ethnic group to marketers. As a social construct the ethnic group lends itself to a network interpretation that highlights the social capital available to its members, strengthening its importance in influencing individual behaviours. The ethnic group will consist of individuals with varying strengths of ethnic identity and varying strength of ties to other group members and those external to the group. It is concluded that understanding how one’s ethnicity influences consumer decision-making requires understanding how ethnic identity forms and changes over time.

Configuring ethnic identities: resistance as a response to counter- terrorist policy