A Passage to China: Literature, Loyalism, and Colonial Taiwan by Chien-hsin Tsai

Reviewed by: Thomas: “Becoming Japanese”: Colonial Taiwan and the Politics of Identity Formation Julia Adeney Thomas Thomas: “Becoming Japanese”: Colonial Taiwan and the Politics of Identity Formation. By Leo T. S. Ching. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001. English-language books on Japan’s colonial adventures are remarkably scarce, particularly considering the extent of the Japanese empire. By the end of the Meiji period (1868–1912), Japan had garnered a necklace of dependencies beginning with Hokkaido and Okinawa (areas now considered part of Japan proper) and extending to Taiwan in 1895 and Korea in 1905. By the 1930s and early ‘40s, large swathes of Asia were under Japanese control. After the 1945 defeat, however, Japan’s colonial empire vanished almost overnight, not just in fact but in public consciousness as postwar policies and scholarship focused instead on domestic development and relations with “the West.” Recently, however, scholars such as Brett Walker, Michael Molasky, Louise Young, Joshua Fogel, Mark Peattie, and the contributors to Thomas Lahusen’s essay collection have begun to place Japan in the context of global imperialism. We are beginning to understand the impetus and mechanisms of Japanese expansion, the response of the peoples who came under its control, and the legacies of those engagements, but there is still much to learn. For this reason, a book on Taiwan is warmly welcomed. In Becoming “Japanese”, Leo Ching’s focus is the “cultural dimension of Japanese colonialism and its legacy…”(10), rather than the structure or history of Taiwan’s economic, political, and military domination. Given the variety of peoples ranging from hill tribe aboriginals to mainland Chinese immigrants, from Japanese colonial administrators at home on Taiwan for fifty years to recent arrivals, no place could offer a richer arena for investigating the issue of cultural identity. We might expect this study to shed light on how various groups on Taiwan perceived themselves before falling under Japan’s jurisdiction, on how that self-perception changed through the dialectic of colonial identity formation, on the motives and instruments of those who articulated visions of “Taiwaneseness,” “Japaneseness,” “Chineseness,” or various hybrid identities, and on the political advantage to be gained through each articulation. It is disheartening then to read at the outset that this study intends to ignore “intra-ethnic divisions within the Taiwanese identity formation” and the “diverse groupings among Taiwanese aboriginals.”(12) Even more curious is the unexplained decision to ignore the period between 1895 and the 1920s, the first half of Japan’s rule. If we don’t understand the diversity of subject positions on Taiwan or the activities and ideas of the initial decades of colonization, how can we understand the effects of Japanese dominion, effects which, as Ching says, persist to this day? The book gets off to a slow start. Ching is concerned in Chapter 1 to bolster his study through reference to contemporary theory. He contends that national identities were formed through the engagement between colonizer and colonized, and that the dynamic between colonized and colonizer was more complex than a simple victim-aggressor model would suggest. More broadly, Ching announces that modernity was not the result of colonization, but, rather, that colonization was part of modernity. None of these positions will strike the readers of this journal as particularly original, nor are they expressed with fresh rhetorical force. One longs to get to the textures and tensions of Taiwan’s particular case, but this engagement is still some chapters off. In Chapter 2 on the “political movements in colonial Taiwan,” Ching tells us that it is “not my intention to provide a comprehensive account of the various developments and transformations of the political movements in colonial Taiwan.” (54) Indeed, he describes only one party at any length. Similarly, in Chapter 3, purportedly on assimilation (dooka) and “imperialization” (koominka), Ching states that his goal “is not to conduct a comprehensive and scrupulous analysis of dooka as manifested in specific social and cultural policies, nor do I intend to describe all the shifts and changes within Japanese thinking on dooka as a whole.” (97) Without scrupulous analysis of assimilation policies he dates to the 1920s, it is difficult to grasp the full...

For a long time, indigenous peoples lived alone in Taiwan according to their own laws. The Dutch and Spanish, the first foreign rulers in Taiwanese history, claimed their sovereignty over Taiwan in accordance with European international law, treated indigenous peoples, called ＂Formosan,＂ as subjects under European-style legal system. The Koxinga regime established by Han Chinese considered indigenous peoples with obedience to be barbarian, rather than civilized subjects, and regarded those indigenous peoples who were not ruled by this regime as non-human beings by setting up a boundary to block off them. The Qing Dynasty followed the attitude toward indigenous peoples mentioned above and thus divided them into ＂plains aborigines＂ (mature barbarian) and ＂mountain aborigines＂ (raw barbarian). The former were ruled by the Qing Empire but lived in a special area to segregate them from the Han Chinese settlers in Taiwan. The latter were not ruled by the Qing administration and resided in ＂outside borders.＂ However, because the Qing government allowed Han Chinese to lease the land of plains aborigines, their land was finally controlled by Han Chinese settlers, and plains aborigines were gradually assimilated by Han Chinese during the period of Qing’s rule in Taiwan. Furthermore, after 1874, the Qing Empire began to manage the land of mountain aborigines, who have suffered the threat from the assimilation of Han Chinese from then to the present days. A modern state began to dominate the people in Taiwan after prewar Japanese Empire acquired the sovereignty of this island. Plains aborigines were merged into the Taiwanese, called ＂islanders＂ in the positive law. Mountain aborigines, generally called ＂aborigines＂ only during the Japanese period, resided in the ＂aboriginal land,＂ where was the land of ＂outside borders＂ in the Qing period. Some aboriginal land was incorporated into ＂ordinary administrative area＂ later, and those mountain aborigines who resided in the ordinary administrative area were called ＂plains mountain aborigines.＂ Furthermore, only a part of aboriginal land was reserved for the use of ＂mountain aborigines in aboriginal land＂ by the Japanese authorities. Apparently, the living space and the number of mountain aborigines decreased under the Japanese rule. Legal affairs of mountain aborigines were managed with by the discretion of special policemen for them with the exception that some of those mountain aborigines who resided in the ordinary administrative area had opportunities to contact the modern law because of their access to the modern court. Ironically, legal traditions of mountain aborigines to a certain extent became active in their daily lives because it was not necessary for the police to govern the legal affairs of mountain aborigines by the law in colonial Taiwan, which had was always modeled on the modern law shaped by the West. In post-war Taiwan, the Kuomintang (KMT) regime considered mountain aborigines as a special group of peoples who resided in ＂mountain area,＂ namely aboriginal land in the Japanese period, and therefore called them ＂mountain compatriots.＂ Those citizens belonging to mountain compatriots were mostly treated in law the same as those of other citizens. However, some of mountain aborigines did not reside in the so-called mountain area after the Japanese rule in Taiwan. As a consequence, mountain aborigines were divided into ＂mountain-area mountain compatriots＂ and ＂plains mountain compatriots＂ in the positive law in postwar Taiwan. The existence of mountain aborigines has been completely denied in the law. Not surprisingly, the scope and living space of indigenous peoples were reduced again by the KMT regime. Under the policy of assimilation, the legal traditions of indigenous peoples were always neglected by the positive law in postwar Taiwan. Until the 1990s, there was a big change for the legal attitude toward indigenous peoples in Taiwan. The indigenous peoples have become an entity in politics and in the positive law after several amendments of the constitution of Taiwan in the 1990s. Many rights of indigenous peoples have been recognized in statutes of present Taiwan; however, the enforcement of these statutes is still poor. The idea of rule of law is not significant for indigenous peoples unless the legal culture of them has been adopted or respected by the law.

Reviewed by: A History of Taiwan Literature transed. by Christopher Lupke Géraldine Fiss (bio) Christopher Lupke, translator and editor. A History of Taiwan Literature by Ye Shitao. Cambria Press, 2020. 385 p. Ye Shitao 葉石濤 (1925-2008), a pioneering writer and historian, specialized in the literary history of Taiwan and the lives of ordinary Taiwanese people. A History of Taiwan Literature is his most important work that conveys the uniqueness of Taiwanese culture, ethnicity, and historical experience in contrast to mainland China. In this masterful translation of Ye Shitao's opus, which won the 2021 MLA Aldo and Jeanne Scaglione Prize for a translation of a scholarly study of literature, Christopher Lupke allows readers to gain insight into the evolution of Taiwan literature throughout centuries of colonization and subjugation by foreign powers. He highlights the crucial link between literature and "a new consciousness that reflects an awareness of the historical legacy" of Taiwan (12). Framed by Lupke's incisive introduction and epilogue, this book presents a rigorous, comprehensive treatment of Taiwan's literary history in a fair and even-handed way. It devotes attention to major and minor writers whose accomplishments were ignored for decades since there was a virtual denial or ignorance of their literary worth. The work foregrounds Ye Shitao's outlook as a "doubly marginalized" (4) bentu 本土 (of this land) writer of southern Taiwan who advocated an understanding of Taiwanese culture and literature as separate from mainland China. Due to Lupke's inclusion of extensive notes for each chapter, both by Ye Shitao and two Japanese scholars, as well as a rich bibliography and a helpful index, this work is a valuable resource for anyone interested in learning about the historical events, authors, literary journals, and texts that lie at the core of Taiwan's literary heritage. Published in the watershed year of 1987, when martial law in Taiwan was finally lifted, the ultimate goal of this history is to consider Taiwan's literature as a complex, variegated whole and to correct the unbalanced role Taipei had played in Taiwanese literary history. Evoking the "centripetal" effect of Taipei as a "cultural island within the island of Taiwan" (4), Lupke's introduction emphasizes Ye Shitao's life-long purpose to focus on and elucidate other locations and [End Page 145] cultural elements on the island, such as the rural south, that have little in common with the northern capital Taipei. What also becomes clear is Ye Shitao's strong concern with authentic realism that reflects the lived experiences of the vast majority of Taiwanese people. The book begins 220 million years ago "when land first protruded from the sea to form an island" (15) and then concisely traces millennia of contact with mainland China when "diplomats were sent to mollify, and troops to quash Taiwan" (17) while the dissemination and transplantation of traditional Chinese literature continued. Discussing travelogues, travel poems and essays by emissaries to Taiwan, Ye Shitao draws a clear distinction between travelers and native people, stating that texts by visiting officials "lacked the depth that could only be attained from the point of view of a native, whose works described hardship among the people" (23). This powerful sense of "native consciousness" (31) is a quality that Ye Shitao situates in the poetry and prose of Taiwanese writers. The heart of Ye Shitao's treatise is Chapter 2, where he describes the historical significance of the Taiwan New Literature Movement during the fifty-one years of the Japanese Colonial Period (1895-1945). During these years, the Taiwan cultural enlightenment movement, strongly influenced by May Fourth thinkers on the mainland, became linked to the Taiwan vernacular movement as well as Taiwan's striving for national self-determination and resistance to the Japanese. The problem of language comes to the foreground here since nativist writers sought to emulate the people's spoken vernacular to "penetrate the world of the broad masses" (70). Tracing the difficult tensions at the heart of this moment in Taiwan's literary history, Ye Shitao sheds light on thinkers like Zhang Wojun 張我軍 (1902-1955) and Lai He 賴和 (1894-1943), who sought to provide a theoretical foundation for the "essence, content, and style of New Taiwan...

Reviewed by: Red Silk: Class, Gender, and Revolution in China’s Yangzi Delta Silk Industry by Robert Cliver Juanjuan Peng Robert Cliver. Red Silk: Class, Gender, and Revolution in China’s Yangzi Delta Silk Industry. Harvard East Asia Monographs. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2020. 436 pp. $75.00 (cloth). Robert Cliver’s new study of the Yangzi delta silk industry during the mid-twentieth century focuses primarily on the silk workers and their experiences in the Revolution. As an effort to revise the Cold War narrative of the history of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that emphasizes the party and its policies, the book aims to “bring society back in” to the story and to study how ordinary people resisted, embraced, and adapted to changing political conditions during the 1950s. It is therefore an important addition to a growing body of academic studies on Chinese society and economy in the PRC’s early years. As Cliver points out in the introduction, these new, revisionist histories of the Chinese Revolution have been fueled largely by a more relaxed academic environment and the opening of Chinese archives to both foreign and Chinese scholars in recent years, although, as Cliver further adds, that window may be closing as the current leadership tightens restrictions on scholarship again. In the case of this book, Cliver has done extensive research in Chinese archives. Although his main sources are the Shanghai and Wuxi municipal archives, especially the archival documents produced by unions and industry associations during the 1950s, the archival material is supplemented by interviews with former workers and managers, a small number of company documents from the Meiya Factory in Shanghai, and contemporary news articles from popular newspapers such as Renmin ribao. The book is organized very roughly in chronological order. At the same time, each chapter focuses on a specific topic, although there are often overlapping themes. In some cases, Cliver returns to the same events in more than one chapter in order to present multiple perspectives. The story starts with two chapters that offer the historical background. Chapter 1 traces the development of China’s silk industry from ancient times to the Japanese occupation and the postwar crisis of the 1940s. Chapter 2 examines the labor movements among the Yangzi delta silk workers during the first half of the twentieth century. The same chapter also suggests that the Yangzi delta silk workers can be divided into two groups: silk weavers, mostly male and located in Shanghai, and filature workers, largely young women and located outside Shanghai. Their experiences were very different prior to the Communist Revolution. As the following chapters further reveal, the division between these two groups continued through the 1950s, although the new Communist policies gradually but slowly brought the circumstances of silk weavers and filature workers closer together. This seems to be the key argument of the book. The following four chapters, from chapter 3 through chapter 6, present a multilayered narrative of Yangzi delta silk workers during the tumultuous years of the early 1950s. Chapter 3 examines the first years of transition to Communist rule, dealing with issues [End Page E-9] such as Liberation and economic recovery, policies defining New Democracy in the new sociopolitical context, and the formation and early activities of industry-wide unions of Shanghai silk weavers and Wuxi filature workers. Chapter 4 focuses on the Shanghai silk-weaving industry’s labor-capital consultative conference, explaining how it was established and what role it played in promoting labor insurance and other welfare provisions in the factories. Chapter 5 moves on to the mass mobilization during the Korean War and the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries, the Three Antis campaign, and the Five Antis campaign. Since these three chapters focus mostly on Shanghai—though Cliver repeatedly brings Wuxi back to the story and makes comparisons between the two groups of workers and the conditions they were facing—the next chapter is exclusively about the female workers at filature factories in Wuxi. Both the poor working conditions and the limitations of the Democratic Reform campaign in the Wuxi filatures are highlighted to tell a very different story of the Revolution as compared to...

Reviewed by: Taiwan’s Imagined Geography: Chinese Colonial Travel Writing and Pictures, 1683–1895 by Emma Jinhua Teng Jeremy E. Taylor Taiwan’s Imagined Geography: Chinese Colonial Travel Writing and Pictures, 1683–1895. By Emma Jinhua Teng. Cambridge MA and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004 Emma Jinhua Teng’s book examines the changing and often conflicting ways in which Taiwan—its peoples, landscapes, flora, and fauna—was depicted in Chinese travel accounts from the time the island “entered the map” of the Qing empire to the end of the nineteenth century. Teng paints an intriguing picture of the debates that emerged concerning the colonization of Taiwan and official Qing policy towards the island’s indigenous peoples. She demonstrates how classical Chinese concepts of place, geography, and human nature were used by opposing groups to promote vastly different approaches to the island. She also traces the development of genres such as cartography and “ethnographic albums,” showing how changing attitudes to the island’s indigenous population reflected the shifting interests of, and debates within, the Qing court. Given the current intellectual fascination with the history of Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan, this book’s publication is timely. It broadens the boundaries of debates about colonialism and post-colonial studies in Taiwan—sometimes provocatively. For example, if Japan’s fifty-year rule of Taiwan can be understood as colonialism, asks Teng, then what of the Qing conquest of the island? Can we even talk about post-colonialism in the Taiwan context? Yet the book’s main contributions are those which it makes to the study of colonialism and imperialism in other contexts. Teng suggests that we re-assess the similarities, differences, and points of connection between the Chinese colonialism of the Qing era and European “high imperialism.” As a starting point for this argument, Teng focuses on the Rover Incident of 1867 and the Mudanshe Incident of 1871—events that presaged full-scale Chinese colonization of Taiwan in its entirety and which alerted the Qing court to the possibility of Japanese, American or European annexation of the island’s East Coast. Teng’s approach is innovative in that it does not simply compare China’s subsequent colonization of Eastern Taiwan as being akin to European expansion in other parts of Asia. Rather, she suggests that we look for “meeting points between Western and Chinese colonial discourses” (255) in order to better understand both. In this regard, Teng is making a significant contribution to the study of imperialism overall, and is suggesting that it is time to move beyond the confines by which colonialism is seen as the exclusive practice of Western men. Teng is challenging us to explore new understandings of territorial expansion as it was undertaken by Asian and other non-European empires. Aware that her work will be of interest to scholars beyond the realm of Taiwan or China studies, Teng has clearly gone to great lengths to render the Chinese texts she has translated and referred to in lucid yet concise language. Particularly impressive is her effort to explain terms and phrases that are known to historians of the Chinese-speaking world but less familiar to others (e.g., her use of terms such as “transmontane” for the Chinese “houshan”; and her careful explanation of the ideas of “raw savages” and “cooked savages” in Chinese colonial discourse). This stands her work apart from the poor prose that has infected much Taiwan-studies scholarship in recent years. In the book’s introduction and epilogue, the author points out that her research is relevant not only to historians, but also to modern political issues, namely debates over Taiwan’s international status. Yet whilst Teng argues most of her points well, there is something awkward about the main argument she raises here—i.e., that calls for Taiwan’s “reunification” with the Chinese mainland are based on a colonial rationale. Teng is justified in making this argument—but it is only half the story. Taiwanese “nativist” (bentu) nationalism—that celebrated by the island’s leadership and its allies in academia today—is just as much a product of Qing colonialism as are Beijing’s claims to the island. Yet Teng seems too...

This book discusses the emergence of modernism in colonial Taiwan, with a focus on the work of Yokomitsu Riichi. Through a comprehensive discussion of how Taiwanese writers were influenced by Yokomitsu’s literary theories and techniques, it explores the diverse possibilities of Taiwanese literature during the period of Japanese rule. By comparing Yokomitsu’s work and that of Taiwanese modernist writers, it examines the reception by Taiwanese people of Japanese literature and its construction of subjectivity, and explores the relationship between modernism and colonial literature from a broader perspective. In particular, the author examines the use of abstraction in these texts in detail. At the same time, he discusses Chinese and Korean modernist writers in order to place the development of modernism in colonial Taiwan in a broad context.

Reviewed by: Accidental State: Chiang Kai-shek, the United States, and the Making of Taiwan Hsiao-ting Lin Syaru Shirley Lin (bio) Hsiao-ting Lin. Accidental State: Chiang Kai-shek, the United States, and the Making of Taiwan. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016. ix, 338 pp. Hardcover $39.95, isbn 978-0-674-65981-0. Nearly seven decades after the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan and China continue to be governed separately, and Taiwan has emerged as an autonomous de facto state. Furthermore, as the recent Trump-Kim summits remind us, the legacy of the Korean war continues to be salient, part of which is the reintroduction of the United States into the conflict between Taiwan and China, replacing Truman's earlier policy of not providing military aid to safeguard Taiwan. Hsiao-ting Lin, a research fellow in the Hoover Institution's East Asian Collections, provides an account of Taiwan's history from the Cairo Declaration of November 1943 to the Nationalist government's 1952 Peace Treaty with Japan and its 1954 Mutual Defense Treaty with the United States. Accidental State provides an excellent analysis of the debates within two of the most important national stakeholders during this important historical period—Taiwan and the United States—even as it also suggests an even longer list of research topics that future students of Taiwanese history may choose to address. Taiwan's emergence as a de facto state has often been viewed as the product of strategic calculations by the United States and the Nationalist government led by Chiang Kai-shek. But Lin's analysis, based on primary and secondary sources in both English and Chinese, challenges this conclusion. The book shows that Taiwan's history in these years was anything but that. Lin relies heavily on the newly declassified personal diaries of Chiang Kai-shek, as well as other material in the Hoover Institution's archives, including the accounts of Chen Cheng, the Nationalist governor of Taiwan, Admiral Charles M. Cooke, the commander of the U.S. Seventh Fleet and then of the U.S. naval forces in the Western Pacific from 1946 to 1948, and George H. Kerr, the assistant naval attache and then the American U.S. vice-Consul in Taipei, who was an eyewitness to the 228 tragedy of 1947. Lin also utilizes archival material, including Taiwan and U.S. government records, to verify key facts and to provide a fuller picture than many other accounts of this period. Lin's thesis is that Taiwan's emergence as "an accidental state" was not the result of careful planning by Chiang that was then grudgingly accepted by Washington. Rather, it was the result of a complex series of interactions among different actors within both the Nationalist and the U.S. governments, who were constantly being surprised by the course of events. The book shows how Washington tried to keep all its options open in the confusion that characterized this period by supporting many different groups in Asia, including Taiwanese independentistas in Tokyo, anti-Communist and anti-Chiang "Third Force" Chinese in Hong Kong, and rivals for leadership [End Page 217] within the KMT on Taiwan, including Virginia Military Institute graduate General Sun Liren, the commander of Nationalist ground forces before being demoted, Princeton-educated Provincial Governor K. C. Wu, and prime minister Cheng Chen. Furthermore, the United States was undertaking covert initiatives through the CIA to undermine Communist authorities on the mainland, including supplying remnant Nationalist forces in Burma and Yunnan. The book begins in 1943 as Chiang Kai-shek was preparing to attend the Cairo Conference with Roosevelt and Churchill. Lin argues that, initially, Chiang and his fellow KMT leaders were not focused on taking Taiwan back from Japan, as they were primarily concerned with the fate of Japanese-held territories on the Chinese mainland. It was only at the last minute that Chiang decided to include Taiwan in the list of territories to be reclaimed from Japan at the war's end. The United States and its allies also did not assume that the Nationalists would govern Taiwan exclusively and immediately after the Japanese surrender. The victory of allied forces in Okinawa in June 1945...

This paper aims to examine Lu Xun's thoughts as presented in the magazines of Taiwan's Literature and Art and Taiwan's New Literature concerning the issue during the Japanese rule. During this period, Taiwanese literary circle debated twice over Lu Xun. Two articles attracted particular attention: ”the Debate between Zeng Tian-she and Guo Mo-ruo and ”the Death of Lu Xun.” From these two articles we could understand how readers in colonial Taiwan with their peculiar position in Eastern Asia interpreted and understood Lu Xun. We explore the process Lu Xun's thoughts was disseminated and accepted in Taiwan and the efforts Taiwanese literary circle made in creating a new page of Taiwanese culture.

Chiang Kai-shek's Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China By Grace C. Huang. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2021. 442 pp. ISBN: 9780674260146 (paper). - Volume 81 Issue 3

After the First Sino-Japanese War, with the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Taiwan was ceded by the Qing Dynasty to Japan. In June 1895, the colonial educational system was established in the School of Zhisanyen by the first Director of Educational Affairs, Izawa Shiuzi. Between 1896 and 1898, rules and regulations related to schools and national language education were enacted. Apart from language learning, singing lessons were also made compulsory for school students. Hence, with objectives of fostering assimilation and providing enlightenment, these singing lessons set the stage for modern music education in Taiwan. Besides music being taught at school, modern discourses on music were published in newspapers and magazines in colonial Taiwan. Though limited in quantity, these publications together with lectures, seminars, charity concerts, as well as activities organized by record companies and music associations, helped popularize modern music playing a dual role in knowledge dissemination and introduction of new ideas. This article begins with a brief account of Izawa's modern idea of music education, highlighting its importance as one of the origins of modern music thinking among Asian intellectuals. Then musical discourses bearing the significance of enlightening the social culture published before 1930 were explored. These publications by both Japanese and Taiwanese teachers as well as intellectuals included essays of Takahashi Hymiyo, Yamaguchi Tōken, and Wei Qingde published at the end of Meiji period in the Taiwan kyōikukai zashi; interviews with Zhang Fuxing published between the late Meiji and Taishō periods in the Taiwan nichinichi shinpō, lectures of Ichizyou Shinzaburou and Tanabe Hisao, a famous musicologist from Tokyo, published in the Taishō period in the Taiwan kyōikukai zashi, and the writings of Li Jingtu published in the same magazine in the beginning of Shōwa period. Exploring these publications of various styles and different themes can shed light on the enlightenment on modernization these discourses brought about and their hidden theme of cultural assimilation.

Taiwan could not develop modern knowledge of law until she was ruled by Japanese colonialists, who had received training in modern law and jurisprudence from the West before their acquiring Taiwan. During the former period of Japanese rule, ＂old customs jurisprudence,＂ with local characteristics, was shaped for the sake of the judicial, executive, and even legislative needs in colonial Taiwan, and therefore declined after the policy of the colonial governance turned to ＂the extension of mainland.＂ Next, ＂jurisprudence for the extension of mainland＂ became prevalent. Jurisprudence in Taiwan was thus nothing but a branch of prewar Japanese jurisprudence. The first institute for modern legal education in Taiwan was established in 1928 and named as: Legal Division, College of Liberal Arts and Political Science, Taihoku Imperial University. This division, however, paid more attention to Japanese laws and modern jurisprudence than to legal issues in Taiwan. Only a limited knowledge concerning colonial Taiwan or Taiwanese was created by this institution. Nevertheless, some dissident Taiwanese advocated ＂Taiwanese jurisprudence＂ in order to protect the identity and interests of the Taiwanese. They unfortunately were excluded from the academic circle of colonial Taiwan. Few Taiwanese jurists had a voice on family and succession law, which was allowed to follow Taiwanese customs in the positive law. In the late period of Japanese rule, the fascist approach gradually dominated the legal community of Taiwan, who were forced to follow the step of wartime Japan.

This thesis does not purport to be an indepth study of the whole literary scene in Taiwan. Nor does it concern itself primarily with the growth and development of various literary genres. Instead, it sets out to look at several writers' associations, their aims and literary activities; their attempts to create a united front against the threat of Communism and their efforts to encourage a literature that is imbued with the spirit of The Three Principles of the People. It sets out also to examine some of the literary movements that were initiated in response to events in mainland China and in the Taiwan Straits. However, the thesis is not concerned solely with the literary scene viewed from the standpoint of government policy. It draws attention to, among things, the "unofficial" poetry societies; the debate surrounding the modernization of literature in the fifties and sixties; the East-West Controversy, 1962 - 1964, and to the episode which resulted in the closure of the literary journal, Wen-hsing (Literary Star). It also covers the Hsin so (The Lock of the Heart) Controversy of 1963, and the Po Yang Case of 1967 - 1968, which led to the incarceration of the well-known novelist and essayist, Kuo I-tung . I have limited my study to the years 1949 - 1971, although references will be made to the literary scene in China prior to 1949, where applicable, as well as to the situation which prevailed during the Japanese occupation of Taiwan. 1949 makes a suitable starting-point since it marks the commencement of the Kuomintang government's exile in Taiwan; and 1971 makes a natural cut-off point because the unseating of Nationalist China in the United Nations in that year changed Taiwan's status in the international arena.

本文主要利用1895至1912年日本殖民台灣時期的半官方媒體《台灣日日新報》和《漢文台灣日日新報》，及教育刊物《台灣教育會雜誌》、《台灣總督府國語學校校友會雜誌》等資料，對於游泳這項體育運動，隨著日人的殖民統治開展於台灣的背景、初期的過程與發展，作社會和學校教育中的歷史探察。根據研究結果可知，日治初期雖然由於時局的不穩，注重發展武術等身體防衛性的運動，但隨著時勢的安穩，其他休閒性運動開始受到注意。游泳運動便由「體育俱樂部」1907年設立「水泳部」開始在台萌芽，於台北古亭庄新店溪旁設立「川端水泳場」，爲專門屬於游泳練習之所，有專人照料和設施，有別於台人在淡水河中的自然悠游，建立「人爲模式」降低了游泳的危險性。然而也因爲殖民者自身出發的邏輯思考，提高了台人大眾接觸設施的困難度，只利於部分台人士紳。另外，對於日治初期學校的教育系統而言，游泳並不是其主要實施的項目，加上台人根深蒂固的游泳迷信觀，使台人學生在學習游泳運動上表現出消極的態度，造成台人在學習游泳運動上的困難。有別於台人子弟的冷漠，日人子弟卻在川端水泳場設立之後，於暑假中開始游泳運動的學習。儘管日台人之間的游泳運動接觸有所差距，但台灣的游泳模式卻由於日人的開展，由遊戲、生活技術，轉換至近代運動的階段。

Grace Huang. Chiang Kai-shek’s Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, . xiv,  pp. Hardcover $., ISBN . Paperback $., ISBN . As Xi Jinping regularly invokes the “century of humiliation” trope to mobilize support for the Communist Party-State’s domestic and international goals, it is instructive to understand the historical context of how Chiang Kai-shek deployed chi—“humiliation” or “shame”—to legitimize his authoritarian rule in China’s Nationalist era (–). It is, in fact, difficult to think of another leader who invoked shame more often than the Generalissimo. Grace Huang’s monograph Chiang Kai-shek’s Politics of Shame provides a grounded explanation of the historical resonances of his use of chi, revealing how Chiang was a more effective leader than scholars have typically acknowledged. Chiang Kai-shek has generally been derided as brutal dictator who prioritized his own power over the well-being of the people and then “failed” in  because of his lack of progressive vision. Huang offers a more nuanced understanding of Chiang’s motivations and accomplishments. She reveals that while he lacked sufficient material and institutional resources to challenge encorachments of the Japanese militarily, Chiang mobilized humiliation as a cultural resource to create a national narrative that had broad emotive appeal that could, at times, be parlayed into helping him achieve his domestic and foreign-policy goals. The first three chapters focus on “agency” as a category for analyzing leadership. Huang reveals much about Chiang’s agency through her extensive use of shilüe, compilations of Chiang’s diary entries, speeches, telegrams, and other records of his own words. Inspired by the imperial-era creation of “Veritable Records,” or dynastic histories, Chiang commissioned the shilüe in order to later construct an “official” history of himself as leader. Unlike the final published history, shilüe served as raw material for internal Kuomintang (KMT) use and were not intended for public consumption. As part of the democratization process in Taiwan, however, the shilüe were published from  to , with monthly volumes covering the years from  to . While Chiang clearly wrote his diary with an eye for posterity, it and the shilüe offer extensive personal reflections that provide real insights into Chiang’s worldview, motivations, and how his perceptions changed over time. Reviews©  by University of Hawai‘i Press Through her reading of the shilüe, Huang discovered that the Jinan Incident of May  was far more important in shaping Chiang’s attitudes as a leader than previously understood. This violent confrontation between Japanese forces and Chiang’s National Revolutionary Army took place at a key moment in the Northern Expedition to unify China. Chiang’s forces took heavy losses, his representatives were tortured, and he ultimately had to issue an apology and agree to suppress anti-Japanese sentiment in order to resume his Northern Expedition. The shilüe extensively record his righteous indignation. His humiliation, reportedly, ran deep. After the Jinan Incident, he included a daily entry in his diary noting at least one thing he would do to “avenge humiliation.” Because their foes were superior in strength, in his public pronouncements Chiang called on himself and the nation to emulate the ancient King of Wu, Goujian (r. – B.C.E.) whose state was defeated by the more powerful Yue. Goujian passively endured humiliating insults, biding his time until he could help his people gradually rebuild their strength to overcome the Yue. Chiang could successfully invoke this story because it was widely known and people in early twentieth-century China could relate to its familiar lessons of sacrifice and perseverance while anticipating the ultimate victory attainable through moral rectitude. In promoting his version of the “avenging humiliation” narrative to justify the avoidance of direct military engagement while unifying and training the population, Chiang showed in subsequent years that he could still take reasonable action within this framework and make progress on his goals. He worked to resist foreign imperialism and win back sovereign rights lost under the unequal treaty system (such as tariff autonomy). He was not simply focused on furthering his own power, as his detractors claim. He...

The decline of merchant networks in the late eighteenth century (Fujian), mid-nineteenth century (Huizhou) and early twentieth century (Shanxi) are discussed in this chapter. With the protracted struggle between the Zheng Chenggong's clan and the Ming loyalists on the one hand, and the Manchus on the other, many Fujian merchants left China for southeast Asian countries. Administrative decisions - the establishment of the 13 hongs in Canton in 1686 - also weakened their position. The decline of the Huizhou merchants in the early 19th century was a consequence of the State's diminishing discretionary power in granting trade monopolies. The salt trade was also affected by rising costs and falling profits. The demise of Shanxi bankers was sealed after World War I, with the emergence of the large Chinese national banks. This occurred while the need to reform the economy combined with growing competition from foreign firms established in treaty ports.