A NEW SCRAMBLE?

The paper studies the influence of states' dependence on the exploitation and export of non-renewable natural resources on the development of conflicts, the so-called resource conflicts. Various authors describe the term “geopolitical economy” in a number of different ways. A major distinction between their views pertains to the role and the importance that the state has in the international political economy and also at the global level. However, drawing mainly on R. Desai's thesis that the modern world is predominantly characterized by uneven and combined development and that states have the dominant role in it (states dominate the political economy on the domestic level and the geopolitical economy on the international level), different types of conflicts will be compared and put into different “geopolitical economies.” The main research thesis is that resource conflicts can be described as geoeconomic-geopolitical conflicts, and these conflicts evolve as outcomes of the geopolitical economy.

Recent work in political geography and Marxist, critical political economy has refocused attention on the interrelations between political economy and geopolitics. This paper examines the contributions of Antonio Gramsci to the theory of geopolitical economy and the production of territory. Doing so enables two key insights. First, explaining the production of territory requires unraveling multiple—sometimes competing—levels of geopolitical and geoeconomic power relations. It follows that geopolitical economy requires historicizing the practices of territorialization. The second point is that the practice of territorialization is today everywhere bound up with the project of producing and reproducing capitalist (i.e. class) social relations, including the capitalist form of the state as a social relation. To support this claim, we examine recent US–China hegemonic competition in regional, geoeconomic strategies—US’s “Trans-Pacific Partnership” and China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiative.

The term geopolitical economy has been used in a variety of ways within geography and other disciplines. This introduction to the special issue on geopolitical economies of development and democratization in East Asia discusses two of the major ways in which the term has been used—as “geographical political economy” and as “geopolitics plus political economy”—outlining an approach to articulation of these two forms of geopolitical economy.

Organized around the theme “Rethinking Economic Analysis: The Perspective of Political Economy,” the 15th Forum of the World Association for Political Economy was hosted by the World Association for Political Economy and the Shanghai International Studies University on December 18 and 19, 2021. Nearly 300 scholars from more than 40 countries discussed in depth the topics of Marxist and capitalist economics; the crisis and criticism of capitalism; envisioning socialism; socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era; agricultural problems; ecological problems and new economic forms from the perspective of political economy; the plight of developing countries and how to solve it; political and economic considerations related to COVID-19; multipolarization, and geopolitical economy. The scholars attending the forum put forward many scientific theories and policy suggestions, which strengthened the position of Marxist political economy and provided an important ideological weapon helping working people all over the world to unite against the irrational capitalist system and the hegemonic acts of the new imperialism, while promoting the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind and the creation of a new form of human civilization.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has increasingly relied on a network of proxy organizations to extend its influence and deter external threats across the Middle East. This article examines the political and military activities of Iran-backed groups Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq, the Houthis in Yemen, and Hamas in Palestine and evaluates their cumulative impact on regional stability and geopolitical realignment. Drawing upon the theoretical frameworks of Realism and Hybrid Warfare, the study employs a qualitative comparative case study approach to analyze the intersection of ideology, strategic depth, and asymmetrical power projection. The findings reveal that Iran’s proxy network constitutes both a tool of deterrence and a source of structural instability, simultaneously preventing foreign hegemony while eroding the sovereignty of regional states. The research argues that Iranian proxies form an interlinked “Axis of Resistance” that functions as a parallel security architecture reshaping Middle Eastern geopolitics. The study concludes by highlighting the dual implications of this phenomenon for regional order stabilization through deterrence and destabilization through perpetual conflict and offers policy and theoretical recommendations for managing proxy-driven hybrid wars.

European monetary unification has once again brought the issue of national economic sovereignty to the front: often regarded as the quintessential attribute of national sovereignty in the realm of economics, monetary powers have been most solemnly foregone and transferred to a supranational authority, independent from political bodies. Insistence by the French minister of Finance that restructuring French banking sector should take place within the national borders, frustration over the impossibility for continental member states to go on imposing an embargo over British beef, the opening of the so-called Millennium round of international trade negotiations in late November in Seattle, the loud reactions of the German government and press to the hostile takeover bid over Mannesmann, a giant “German” telecommunication company, by the “British” Vodafone: over recent months, there have been many examples of the ambivalent way in which European nation states react to the consequences of globalization and international monetary integration.

One of the least appreciated aspects of the Arab Revolutions that opened the second decade of the twenty-first century was that they toppled the most enduring dictatorships sponsored by the USA in a region of immense strategic importance to it, the most pre-eminent among them, Egypt, also the most populous Arab nation. However, a world inured to regarding the USA as more or less omnipotent has been slow to register this and to work out its implications for the complex and still-unfolding fate of the revolutions and what they herald for the world order. This only compounds the problem of understanding contemporary developments in a region already legendary for the complexity of its politics and political economy, and, we may add, its geopolitics and geopolitical economy.

This introduction to the essays that follow argues that the chief problem with the dominant understanding of world affairs in the disciplines of International Relations and International Political Economy, including their Marxist versions, is an a historical, non-contradictory and economically cosmopolitan conception of capitalism. In their place, geopolitical economy is a new approach which returns to the conception of capitalism embodied in the culmination of classical political economy, Marxism. It was historical in two senses, distinguishing capitalism as a historically specific mode of social production involving by value production and understanding that its contradictions drive forward capitalism’s own history in a central way. This approach must further develop and specify uneven and combined development as the dominant pattern in the unfolding of capitalist international relations, one that is constitutive of its component states themselves. Secondly, it must understand the logic of the actions undertaken by capitalist states as emerging from the struggles involved in the formation of capitalist states and from the contradictions that are set in train once capitalism is established. Finally, it must see in the ways that class and national struggles and resulting state actions have modified the functioning of capitalism the possibilities of replacing the disorder, contestation and war that are the spontaneous result of capitalism for international relations the basis for a cooperative order in relations between states, an order which can also be the means for realising the permanent revolution and solidifying its gains on the international or world plane.

Aim. To check the availability of financial sustainability and self-sufficiency of the budget sphere of Russian regions in the period of new geopolitical challenges, as well as to develop reasoned, scientifically justified proposals that can be used in strategic territorial planning and will contribute to the financial sovereignty of the Russian Federation (RF).Tasks. To consider the concepts of “financial sovereignty”, “financial security”, “financial stability”; to assess the financial stability of Russian regions, their fiscal self-sufficiency; to build an econometric model of the dependence of regional budgets revenues on a number of factors and to identify factors contributing to an increase in the revenue part of budgets, increasing the financial stability of regions and the financial sovereignty of the Russian Federation as a whole.Methods. The authors used a systematic approach, general scientific methods of research, including comparative, logical, analysis and synthesis, economic and statistical, critical review of scientific publications. When developing recommendations, correlation and regression analysis was carried out.Results. Financial sovereignty is the objective independence of the state in carrying out domestic and foreign financial policy. It is ensured by financial security at all levels of governance and in all spheres of socio-economic life. The main factor in increasing the stability of the financial system of the Russian Federation is a stable budget system of the country and its territorial formations. The study showed that the ability of regional budgets to cover their expenditures largely depends on receipts from the federal budget. Such dependence reduces the stability of regional budgets and creates an additional burden on the federal budget. Using the correlation and regression analysis, according to the statistical data for 2021, the factors of economic development that have a positive impact on the revenue part of regional budgets and increase their sustainability were identified. In particular, in the course of the study it became clear that the cost of research and development, innovation, implementation and use of digital technology today affect the economic development of regions. Their statistically significant strong correlation with the revenues of regional budgets was revealed. The results of the study can be used in the design of strategic programs for regional development.Conclusions. There is a high dependence of regions on state support, which creates an additional burden on the federal budget, reducing its sustainability and financial sovereignty of the country. Subjects of the Russian Federation need to promote business development and stimulate its investment activity. The priority in the design of programs of strategic development of regions should be the introduction of digital technologies, increasing expenditure on research and development, innovation activities.

The Climate Diaspora: Indo-Pacific Emigration from Small Island Developing States

The term “postmodernity” perhaps owes its very popularity to the fact thatit is notoriously difficult to define. It often means all things to all people,and by its very orientation, is critical of any attempts to offer blanketdefinitions. Nevertheless, we may discern three broad orientations thatdefine postmodernity:1. It involves an “incredulity toward metanarratives.”* In other words, itrepudiates the modernist view thd individual actions can be explainedthrough universal laws.2. It focuses on the crisis of repre~entation.I~n other words, it is critical ofthe power vested in any subjectivity to represent the reality of another.3. It problematizes the issue of subject and author? For example, it wouldquestion the claim made by this journal that it is a more ‘official’ interpreterof Islamic thought than some others: a claim this joumal may seek toadvance on the basis of its institutional power.This somewhat arbitrary set of attributes associated with postmodernitymay seem quite innocuous at first reading. But postmodernity (or its nowemerging normative arm, postmodernism) is evidently much more thanthat, as its adherents and critics have pointed out. It has been associatedwith a lot of other phenomena. For instance, in the economic realm, wehave the notion of post-Fordism, a situation where the precepts of massproduction are being overturned. Based on computer-aided manufacture, arapidly heterogenizing consumer demand, and the emergence ofnewer forms of commerce (such as Ecommerce over the internet), a newindustrial paradigm is emerging.5 At the same time, we have thephenomenon of post-nationalism, where the sovereignty of nations is beingthreatened by the emergence of supranational forms of governance suchas multinational corporations and the WT0.6 However, the issue that ...

Subject. The article discusses the sustainability of regional economy development, its definition, and the substance of sustainable development. Objectives. We aim at performing a comprehensive analysis of indicators of sustainability and adaptability of regional development in the context of digitalization, formulating a strategy for economic behavior that takes into account the multidimensional nature of regional inequality and is focused on boosting the economic potential of regions. Methods. The study draws on dialectic and systems approaches, general scientific methods of retrospective, situational, economic and statistical, and comparative analysis. Results. The sustainability of the region focuses on improving the human welfare over long time horizon. This happens in three areas, i.e. maximizing the efficiency of resource use; ensuring justice and democracy; minimizing resource consumption and environmental damage. The stability of the region can be assessed by using one parameter, or by combining the parameters in accordance with the type of region and expected results. Conclusions. The adaptation of a region to changing conditions depends on its type (‘adapted’, ‘adaptive’, and ‘non-adapted’). Regional inequality has two main components: difference in economic potential and social satisfaction of residents. Another component, affecting the stability and adaptability of regions, is the level of their digitalization. However, some regions have only formally embarked on the path of digitalization. Moreover, a focus on smart technologies, solutions and digitalization often leads to ignoring the goals of sustainable development. Smart technologies should be aimed at ensuring sustainability within the framework of the smart sustainable city concept.

Reviewed by: Drums of War, Drums of Development: The Formation of a Pacific Ruling Class and Industrial Transformation in East and Southeast Asia, 1945–1980 by Jim Glassman Jerome Patrick Cruz JIM GLASSMAN Drums of War, Drums of Development: The Formation of a Pacific Ruling Class and Industrial Transformation in East and Southeast Asia, 1945–1980 Leiden: Brill, 2018. 699 pages. With the contretemps of the US–China trade war still fresh in memory at the time of writing and trade tensions among other countries waiting in the wings, protectionist dynamics appear to have made their most dramatic resurgence at the world stage since the end of the Cold War and the advent of neoliberal globalization. Unsurprisingly, in recent years, allusions to the return of "geoeconomics" have grown commonplace, even as discussions over the rise of contending models of capitalism have intensified among the global punditry. Although immediately focused on developments in East and Southeast Asia during the Cold War, Jim Glassman's Drums of War, Drums of Development offers a maverick theorization of the dynamics between geopolitical currents and processes of capitalist development that is equally applicable to the critical analysis of these contemporary trends in the global political economy. Deploying a "Gramscian geo-political economy" approach, Glassman, professor of geography at the University of British Columbia, effectively reframes much of the conventional wisdom on the underlying drivers of the much-ballyhooed Asian Miracle as well as its unparalleled record [End Page 269] of industrial transformation. Although paradigmatic accounts have underscored the role of global market forces or of "developmental states" in the rapid industrialization of East and Southeast Asia, Glassman argues that the transformations experienced by the Asian tiger economies were indissociable from the broader geopolitics of the Cold War in the region—particularly from the efforts of the United States to consolidate anticommunist regimes among its regional allies. Commanding extensive archival material as well as secondary data on US military contracts and procurement activity, Glassman meticulously traces how the geopolitical maneuverings of American strategists—as well as those of political, economic, and military elites in countries such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines, and Singapore—coalesced over time to produce a counterrevolutionary "Pacific ruling class" (502) united by commitments toward anticommunism, military–industrial developmentalism, and, in most cases, authoritarianism. Through this process of class formation, he contends, the emergence of the region's showcases of industrial capitalism has been dialectically intertwined with American military spending practices (e.g., through offshore procurement), support provided by US advisers and operatives for conservative elites, the repression of subaltern populations as well as the occurrence of "East Asian massacres" (610) like the Korean and Vietnam wars. Across 629 pages and eight chapters, Drums of War, Drums of Development furnishes theoretical discussion on Glassman's Gramscian "geo-political economy" framework and the relationships among war, violence, and capitalist class transformation (chapters 1 and 2) as well as empirical accounts of the development of the Pacific ruling class within specific countries and across the region (chapters 3 to 6). Whether in the case of postwar Japan (chapter 3), South Korea (chapter 4), or Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines, and Singapore (chapter 5), security imperatives come to the fore as the binding force for the domestic and transnational class coalitions that presided over the region's economic miracle. In a context riven by insurgencies and radical formations born out of nationalist anticolonial struggles, and given American commitments toward rolling back the global advance of communism, leading political, military, and economic figures among US allies were progressively integrated into the ambit of the US military–industrial complex and its gargantuan mass of resources. Most notably, this process of incorporation was facilitated through [End Page 270] offshore procurement opportunities and also through militarization support, nonmilitary aid, domestic infrastructure and construction contracting as well as strategic direct investments by foreign firms and the US military. The historical contribution of these dynamics to jump-starting industrial development in the region is amply suggested by statistics compiled by Glassman. At its peak during the Korean War, offshore procurement and spending by the American military accounted for over one-third of Japanese foreign currency earnings; similarly, the total procurement...

In Spring 2024, I met Radhika Desai for the first time at the London School of Economics and Political Science when we both held visiting positions at the Department of International Development as invited scholarly visitors. Although I had not expected her presence, I immediately recognized her after having been a reader of her works on geopolitical economy when developing my own ideas about the political economy of Chinese media and communications. I introduced myself and started talking with her, first at a coffee shop, then in a small office inside LSE’s Connaught House, and later at the Marx Memorial Library in London for a book launch party. Prompted by my questions rooted in the field of media and communication, Radhika Desai shared ideas from her newly published book, Capitalism, Coronavirus, and War: A Geopolitical Economy (Routledge, 2023), which is being translated into Chinese, her critiques about imperialism, globalization and essentially the world order after decades of neoliberalism, and, furthermore, her hopes for China, BRICS, and, ultimately, for the political left. Now, these conversations are turned into a dialogue piece, and with it I hope Communication and the Public readers will sense my gains from Radhika Desai, that is, to paraphrase from the famous line from the Communist Manifesto, in the digital age when all that is solid melts into ostensibly immaterial communication, man/woman is at last compelled to face with sober senses the real conditions of life and his or her relations with their kind.

  Apart from the China-US relations, one of the most important bilateral relations that have attracted the attention of analysts in the field of international relations today is the triangular Africa-China-US trilateral engagements. Scholars, practitioners, business community and citizens from the three sides could in one way or the other express their own anxieties, with some imaginary conclusion about the implications of this relationship. All these go to remind us about the interesting, disturbing and complex nature of Africa’s geopolitical economy. This paper critically and briefly examines China –US interest in Africa: their activities, and the implications for African peace and development.  The article gives a brief overview of Africa’s situation and the anxiety created by the engagement of China and the United States in the contemporary geopolitics and political economy of Africa. Questionnaires were used to elicit responses from diplomats, citizens and regional organizations such as the African Union (AU) and ECOWAS. Simple percentages and pie charts are used for data analysis, presentation and discussion of results. The article finally makes some recommendations and concludes that the peace of Africa will also be the peace of China and the United States as well as that of the international community.   Key words: Development, geopolitical economy, natural resources, integration, peace and security, trade.