A new political diagonal: how students in the United States constructed internationalist solidarity with Palestine

Repenting for What Israel Did to Gaza—Without Condoning the Wrongs Committed by Hamas

Permission to Narrate a Pandemic in Palestine

POLICE REFORM IN DIVIDED TIMES

Street gangs are prevalent throughout the United States. Recently, law enforcement agencies estimated there are approximately 30,000 gangs and 850,000 gang members across the United States. Gang members commit assaults, street-level drug trafficking, robberies, and threats and intimidation. However, they most commonly commit low-level property crime and marijuana use. Rival gang members or law-abiding citizens are often the targets of these crimes. Other than crime, the influence of gangs can disrupt the socializing power of schools, families, and communities. These institutions help socialize young people to learn and follow the appropriate rules of a law-abiding society. The presence of gangs and gang-related activity induces fear in the local community and great concern among citizens, impacting the quality of life of neighborhoods and cities. To confront these concerns, law enforcement is often considered the first line of defense. Despite the tenuous relationship between law enforcement and gangs, police officers have special knowledge and access to gang members and at-risk youth, which puts law enforcement in a unique position to reduce juvenile gang violence through prevention, intervention, and suppression efforts. There are several ways in which law enforcement responds to gang violence. In its efforts to prevent gang violence, law enforcement plays a crucial role in regulating gang activity and in preventing those at risk of joining gangs. Primary prevention is broad in scope as the programs and strategies focus on the entire community. Primary prevention programs, such as the Gang Resistance Education and Training (GREAT) program, target a wide population and attempt to teach youths the skills to resist peer pressure to join a gang. Secondary prevention programs narrow their focus by identifying and reaching out to youths at risk for joining gangs. Secondary prevention programs, such as Los Angeles’s GRYD Secondary Prevention Program, offer psychological and substance abuse counseling, tutoring, and employment training, among other services. Law enforcement can also reduce gang violence through intervention by implementing strategies that provide alternatives to gang membership and strategies that prevent gang activity. Gang alternative programs, such as the Gang Employment Program (GEP), aim to get individuals to leave their gangs, but also provide opportunities to prevent the individual from rejoining the gang. Gang activity prevention strategies, such as the Dallas Anti-Gang Initiative’s enforcement of curfew and truancy laws, focus on specific activities, places, or behaviors associated with gang activity. These strategies typically include special laws, mediation, and situational crime prevention strategies. As a last resort, law enforcement responds to gang violence through suppression strategies. Suppression strategies are deterrence-based strategies. Although the effectiveness of these aforementioned programs varies, law enforcement is better utilized in a prevention capacity rather than an enforcement one. Moreover, law enforcement should not tackle gang violence alone, but in partnership with other community organizations and stakeholders such as Boston’s Operation Ceasefire or Chicago’s Project Safe Neighborhoods. These partnerships with community organizations and visible commitment to combating gang violence through prevention and suppression efforts can build trust and increase police legitimacy in at-risk communities.

Readers Respond: Letters from Summer 2011

Opportunities for Prevention and Intervention of Opioid Overdose in the Emergency Department

“A Revolution in Labor”: African Americans and Hybrid Labor Activism in Illinois during the Early Jim Crow Era

Given the massive demographic changes in the United States during the past few decades, understanding the place of immigrants in the public sphere has never been more critical. Promise examines both the challenges and opportunities posed to American civic institutions by the presence of increasing numbers of immigrants. Author Janelle argues that the low levels of political participation among contemporary immigrants are not due to apathy or preoccupation with their homeland, but to the inability of American political parties and advocacy organizations to mobilize immigrant voters. Wong's rich study of Chinese and Mexican immigrants in New York and Los Angeles complements traditional studies of political behavior and civic institutions while offering a nuanced examination of immigrants' political activity.Democracy's Promise will appeal to a broad spectrum of social scientists and ethnic studies scholars who study or teach immigration, racial and ethnic politics, political participation, civic engagement, and American political institutions. In addition, it will appeal to community organizers and party activists who are interested in issues of race and ethnicity, immigration, political participation, and political mobilization.Janelle is Assistant Professor of Political Science and American Studies and Ethnicity at the University of Southern California.As political parties (perhaps) decline in the United States, as civic organizations (perhaps) move away from direct participatory politics, and as the number of immigrants certainly increases--what will link new Americans to the political realm? Janelle answers this important question clearly, with elegance, nuance, rich description, and galvanizing provocativeness. Her evidence is compelling and her sense of urgency about the need for parties to look beyond short-term interests even more so.--Jennifer L. Hochschild, Harvard University Wong draws on the Latino and Asian immigrant experience, with specific examples from the Chinese and Mexican communities of New York and Los Angeles, to show how the political parties have largely failed to organize these groups and why labor unions and immigrant advocacy organizations have stepped in to take their place. Far from 'disuniting' America, she clearly shows that bringing these groups into the political fray is central to the project of renewing American democracy.--John Mollenkopf, CUNY Graduate Center A scathing critique of the role of parties in the mobilization of new immigrants and an invaluable analysis of alternative pathways of mobilization through community organizations.--Michael Jones-Correa, Cornell University By employing multiple empirical methods, including in-depth interviews and sophisticated survey analyses, Janelle provides a compelling account of the political activities and allegiances of America's Asian and Latino immigrants that challenges much conventional wisdom. Often the political parties are failing to reach out to these groups, and often immigrants remain concerned about their home countries; but they are nonetheless increasingly active in American politics, in ways that may do much to shape the course of American political development in the 21st century. Promise is a major contribution to our understanding of this crucial dimension of American politics.--Rogers M. Smith, University of Pennsylvania Democracy's Promise challenges political parties to reexamine their priorities for mobilizing new voters, and identifies the critical role civic institutions play in invigorating participation among immigrant citizens. Wong's analysis is at once precise and expansive; illuminating the contours of Latino and Asian American political incorporation and provoking thoughtful debate on inclusion in democratic theory.--Jane Junn, Rutgers University

The paper argues that there is a “siege mentality” among South African Jews in respect to the question of Palestine, as exemplified by the actions of the Netanyahu government in Israel. The state of Israel is committing crimes against humanity and against the people of Gaza and Palestine for decades, without any repercussions from the free world and in flagrant violation of international law. It is nothing short of genocide and ethnic cleansing against the legitimate demands of a people’s aspirations for a free and independent Palestine. A demand on the basis of colonialization and occupation by people (Zionists and Israelis worldwide and with the assistance of a host of Western nations including Great Britain, and the United States and the European Union) who stole the land through the processes of British colonialism and, under the Balfour Declaration of 1924. The irony of Israeli, self – righteousness and superiority because of the unprecedented support, it receives from the United States government and powerful European nations and allies, including the tyrannical governments of some of the Arab countries, are based on this so – called “superiority” it espouses on the world stage. The state of Israel is a single island of a Western imagined culture and value system amidst a sea of Arabs and Arab nations. Astoundingly it espouses this Western culture and value system in the heart of the Arab Middle East, and that to amidst an Arab culture, which is completely different in orientation to the Western way of life, in terms of its social system, its world view, and its values. A people that share equally with Jews, the Judeo – Christian ethic and religious beliefs, grounded and formulated tacitly in the Abrahamic faiths. It is an indictment to the United Nations, to the United States under Barak Obama, successive United States Presidents and the entire world; they have all played a pivotal role, in aiding Israel to oppress the Palestinian people, for decades. It is an indictment to peace, morality and justice as, indiscriminate bombings by the Israeli military escalates with impunity, against men women and defenceless children, with a death toll of over 2000 people in a space of just over a month from, the beginning of July of 2014. This figure rises as each day passes. It’s a question of disproportionate use of power, by the use of superior modern war technology, against the almost harmless and insignificant “homemade rockets” being fired into Israel by Hamas on behalf of the Ghazzans (Palestinians). Legitimate demands for

Defining the Limits of Governmental Access to Personal Data Stored in the Cloud: An Analysis and Critique of <i>Microsoft Ireland</i>

Defining the Limits of Governmental Access to Personal Data Stored in the Cloud: An Analysis and Critique of <i>Microsoft Ireland</i>

The overall mission of community colleges encompasses several key components and principles, such as being cost-effective, accessible, serving as a pathway to four-year institutions, and preparing students for the workforce entry-level positions. However, 1,167 community colleges in the United States of America have been facing one of the worst threats to humanity in the 21st century, the coronavirus 19 (COVID-19) pandemic. COVID-19 is a communicable sickness caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus (World Health Organization, 2022).1 The viral outbreak took the entire world by surprise with paralytic consequences on health, economy, and education. Millions of people lost their lives related to the COVID-19 infection. Worldwide, individual and public lifestyle changes, such as wearing facemasks, travel bans, and quarantines became mandatory due to the fast virus outbreak. Actions were taken worldwide to contain and slow down the spread of the virus and its adverse effects. On March 13, 2020, US President Trump declared a national coronavirus emergency.2 People were mandated to stay and work from home in isolation. In the United States, specifically in the academic sector, instantaneous unscheduled closures of schools were implemented. Faculty and students were forced to stay at home and convert to remote learning. Reviewing the impact of COVID-19 on community college faculty and students, we conducted a literature search of hundreds of publications on the impact of COVID-19 and its effects on health and education, and surveyed several students, faculty, and staff in our division. We found multiple publications on the consequences of the pandemic on education, healthcare providers, university staff, and students. This article presents the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the faculty and students in the division of Nursing, Allied Health, Life, and Physical Sciences (NAHLPS) at an inner-city HBCU Community College.

could have been a birthday party, but it was a play therapy session in one of Gaza City's schools. a of six-year-olds played on a huge canvas on the ground, grabbing multi-coloured balloons and popping them, not all of them were squealing with delight. One child, Omar, clapped his hands over his ears. The blasts reminded him of recent explosions in Gaza City. Omar said he does not go to school unless his mother is with him and holds his hand. And he doesn't feel secure if his teacher isn't around. Omar and others in Gaza are involved in play, art and music therapy in their schools as part of efforts by psychologists, teachers and community workers to help them cope with having lived through Israel's three-week offensive launched on 27 December 2008 and its aftermath. One such programme, implemented by Gaza psychologist Fadel Abu Hein at the Zahwa Rosary Catholic School, helps children express the anxiety, anger and fear they felt over the loss of family members and the destruction of their homes. Most of the children cry when they hear an explosion or any loud noise. Many are bedwetting. They bite their nails or have nervous twitches. They become afraid, especially at night, he said. The World Health Organization (WHO) has worked with the Palestinian ministry of health and community-based organizations since 2002 to improve mental health services in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. A recent WHO assessment of Gaza views children and adolescents as a particularly at-risk group for the psychosocial consequences they may face during and after the crisis. Tens of thousands of people were displaced. Children's play areas became littered with crushed concrete and debris. Some children and adults were permanently disabled. WHO estimates that between 70% and 75% of a population develop mild to moderate post-traumatic reactions after a large-scale crisis, such as the one in Gaza, while it estimates that 5% to 10% of people in Gaza may need professional mental health support to address more long-term problems, such as depression, trauma, anxiety and panic attacks. About 1300 people died and more than 5000 were injured in Israel's military offensive in the coastal strip. Children made up about one-third of these casualties. Israel said the attacks were necessary to stop the militant Hamas, who rule Gaza, from firing rockets into southern Israel. Many in Gaza said they were deeply affected by the attack. Nowhere in Gaza was safe, said Abu Hein, who heads the Community Training and Crisis Management Center in Gaza City. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] When you see your family killed in front of you and you're unable to save them, it's a big shock, said 12-year-old Almaza al-Sammouri, as she and her classmates drew pictures during a therapy session at the An-Jalout Islamic Girls School in Gaza City. found them piled on each other. Some were dead. Others died a little later because we couldn't get an ambulance, al-Sammouri said of the airstrike that killed her mother, four siblings and several uncles. It was a huge shock. I couldn't move or do anything. want to become a first-aid nurse because if this happens again, I would be able to treat them so they wouldn't die, al-Sammouri said. The mental health needs of such survivors of conflicts and other disasters have come under the spotlight of late. New guidelines were adopted last September by WHO along with other UN organizations and their nongovernmental organization (NGO) partners to include mental health and psychosocial support as part of their emergency response. In a statement, these groups underscored the need to coordinate multiple agencies offering such support and, while doing so, to ensure that the affected populations are not overwhelmed by outsiders and local contributions to mental health and psychosocial support are not easily marginalized or undermined. …

This paper describes a summit on Community Colleges in the Evolving STEM Education Landscape organized by a committee of the National Research Council (NRC) and the National Academy of Engineering (NAE) and held at the Carnegie Institution for Science on December 15, 2011. This summit followed a similar event organized by Dr. Jill Biden, spouse of the Vice President, and held at the White House in October 2010, which sought to bring national attention to the changing missions and purposes of community colleges in contemporary American society.1 The NRC/NAE event built on the White House summit, while focusing on the changing roles of community colleges in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education. An in-depth summary of the summit was prepared by the NRC and NAE for publication in late Spring 2012 by the National Academies Press (NRC and National Academy of Engineering, 2012 ). This paper provides a synopsis of that report, which is available at www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=13399, and emphasizes how we can use the report to improve STEM education for our students, but also how much progress still needs to be made to realize this ideal.

In the United States, the term organized crime is frequently associated with an Italian-American crime syndicate called the Mafia, La Casa Nostra, or Casa Nostra. With roots in Sicilian society and culture and in diverse gangs in the United States in the first third of the century, this syndicate emerged in something like its current form in the 1930s and reached the zenith of its power in illicit rackets, legitimate industry, labor unions, and politics in the 1960s and 1970s. Since the late 1970s, Casa Nostra crime families throughout the country have been the target of a relentless federal law enforcement effort that has sent most of Casa Nostra’s top leaders to prison and has challenged its control of unions and industries. At the same time, and perhaps because of the law enforcement attack, there are many signs of internal disarray and disintegration. While it is premature to declare Casa Nostra dead or even mortally wounded, its survival into the twenty-first century is not assured. So far no other organized crime group has the strength and sophistication to take the place of Casa Nostra.