A Irmandade de Nossa Senhora do Rosário e São Benedito dos Homens Pretos e a Santa Casa da Misericórdia nas disputas pelo privilégio do uso de esquifes no Rio de Janeiro colonial (séculos XVII e XVIII)

A description of the long and picturesque roll of an early seventeenth-century Scottish funeral procession is presented. According to the backing the procession is that of the funeral of George, 1st Marquis of Huntly, June 1636. A brief history of the life of Huntly is included. However, there is not a single emblem which can be relied on conclusively identifying this roll with the funeral procession of either this or any other Marquis or Earl of Huntly, or indeed with anybody at all, a point which emphasises the historical importance of heraldry, and the unfortunate results of neglecting to depict it with at least a reasonable attempt at accuracy. It is argued that the heraldry is deliberately indefinite, has no reference to any particular person, family or funeral, and that the conventional order of funeral procession for a nobleman in Scotland, at or about the beginning of the seventeenth century is presented.

The Weapons in the Illerup Valley. The Glose of Seven Years' ExcavationThe Illerup Valley discovery (near Skanderborg to the southwest of Aarhus) was made in May 1950. Since then excavations have gone on every year in the valley. The objects found comprise weapons, which with high probability may be interpreted as booty of war, deposited in the peat bog as a thank offering to some divinity for success in battle. The date of the offering (or offerings) is the centuries immediately following the commencement of the Christian Era. The background to the discovery is probably that of inter-Scandinavian tribal wars. The discovery has been described in KUML 1951. There follows here a short account of what has happened since then.It has been determined that the objects found were not deposited on one single occasion; they are the results of several offerings, taking place at different points of time. The grouping of the objects, together with the distribution of the types of artifacts, enables three, perhaps four, separate sites to be distinguished. Two large sites (Nos. 1 and 2) lie clearly separated from each other. In the case of site 1 the destruction to which practically all the objects from the lllerup discovery have been subjected has been crowned by burning. This burning is doubtless the reason why objects of wood are practically never found on this site. On site 2 objects of wood occur, though in no particularly large quantities.Site 3 was smaller than the first two sites. It consisted of two small but rich groups of artifacts which Jay apart from each other but without doubt represent a single deposit. The somewhat conjectural site 4 consisted of a little group of objects of wood which lay in the area of site 2 but at a somewhat higher level. These objects of wood do not appear to be associated with any of the other sites; they probably belong to a separate deposit, of which the other items have not yet been located.The artifacts on the two larger sites (1 and 2) must certainly have been thrown out from the shore of the bog - or lake, as it was at the time of deposition. On both sites the objects lie thickest nearest the shore, and diminish in numbers further out. In the case of site 3 the possibility exists that the objects were deposited from a boat or laid out on ice.How the area was marked out, to make it possible for the place formerly used to be found again at the time of new offerings, is uncertain. A number of posts set in the ground have been found scattered over the area, and these may have been visible above the surface of the water.The total number of artifacts discovered - including fragments - amounts to about 1240. In addition there are over 600 objects which cannot be classed as regular artifacts: ground-set posts, logs and branches showing axe-marks, axe-chips, animal bones and charcoal. As many of the artifacts discovered are in fragments it is difficult to give any summary of the totals of the various artifact types found. The number of swords must exceed a hundred, and the number of shields is about the same. About 270 complete spearheads have been found; as well as a number of fragments. Fragments of spear-shafts occur in large numbers. A single spearhead had its shaft preserved to almost its full length (1.89 metres). Arrowheads amount to about 150 complete and a number of fragments. Arrow-shafts were rare. In addition a large number of knives were found, as well as fitments of various types in iron and bronze. Among the objects less commonly found on the sites may be named: axes, awls, combs, razors, tweezers, spurs, steel and stone for firelighting, and a single scythe. In addition: buckles and buttons, fibulae and a gilt bronze armlet. Only sherds of pottery vessels survived, of wooden vessels one single complete specimen and a number of fragments. Decoration and ornamentation is only rarely found on the objects, but does occur, for example on combs, chapes, knives and fitments. Occasionally inlay of precious metal is found on swords and spearheads, while one sword pommel bears animal heads.Among the larger objects found may be mentioned a dugout boat and the skeletons of two horses. The horses had been poleaxed and their eyes gouged out, and they bore in addition the marks of numerous stabs.Included among the objects discovered are 19 Roman coins, clearly deposited in a single group belonging to site 3. They range in date from Nero to Commodus, the latest coin in the collection being dateable to 183 AD.The objects discovered on sites 1, 2 & 3 would appear to have been deposited in the 3rd and 4th centuries AD. No estimate can be made of the age of the somewhat uncertain site 4.The fruits of the excavation are now to be found at the Prehistoric Museum in Aarhus. A portion of them will later be transferred to Skanderborg Museum.Harald Andersen

In this paper I tried, on the basis of available literature and newly discovered data, to indicate possible links among the practices of mirila, karsikko, and cross-tree. Using these comparisons I endeavor to show that the custom of marking the place of resting with the deceased is not specific to a narrow strip of Croatian hinterland and that, if we want to get to importantinsights about the custom of mirila, it will be necessary to expand the geographical context and focus of research. The term mirila in the literature involves the stone construction marking the resting place with the deceased. It’s usually on the way from the home of the deceased to the cemetery. The funeral procession would stop, carriers would lay down the deceased onthe ground for the first and last time before the cemetery. In Finland there was a custom known as karsikko which roughly means “pruning of the tree”, but also denotes memorial inscriptions features on board, on building walls or on rocks (Vilkuna 1993:136). The funeral procession from the house of the deceased to the cemetery stoped at a certain place which is alreadyused for the same purpose, and people would select a tree and carve a cross, the initials of the deceased, year of death, etc., or write the same data on the board which would then be attached on the tree. Karsikko as a memorial to the place of resting with the deceased has the same function as a cross-tree (Vilkuna 1993: 136). Over time, karsikko became the term for markingson the stone, the walls of buildings and for the inscription on the wooden board that they nailed to the cross-tree. At sixteen sites in Bosnia and Herzegovina there are also records of the custom of incising the cross on trees at the road crossings were they rested with the deceased. At two locations in Bosnia, geographically close to the Dalmatian hinterland andthe rockier area, there was another form of marking such a place. In Brežnja near Srebrenica they would stop three times and each time they would place a stone under the head of the deceased. In Pale, near Sarajevo, the procession also stopped three times. The deceased is laid on the ground and a stone is placed above his head and under his feet. In Serbia the funeralprocession would also stop three times at intersections. Stopping places were called počivališta (resting place) and there they carved a cross on a tree. In Montenegro, at the site of the Trepča near Nikšić, they were resting three times on the road to the cemetery. In Macedonia, there are also records of stopping at crossings but without defining a locality. At all recorded sites, there is a repeated pattern of constant change of performance and meaning of the ritual practice. Starting with Sweden, Finland, Estonia, and coming to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia. The significance of the place also changes, because ofchange in everyday life. In Karelia in the 19th century it was no longer important to carve in the three, or to rest on a half way to the cemetery, it was enough to make a mark on the stone in the yard or on the wall of the farm building. In the hinterland of Zadar today (2012.), it is not important to lay down the deceased on the ground (they don`t even carry him out of thecar), but it is important to stop and mark the resting place. The purpose of this study was to demonstrate that there could be a possible link between customs of building of mirila, karsikko and cross-tree relying on almost identical custom that was recorded in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia and its geographical change as one approaches tothe Dalmatian hinterland.

O artigo tem por objeto a produção colonial estudada pelo autor em sua dissertação de mestrado defendida no final de 2016. O trabalho teve como foco principal o estudo das conjunturas fiscais no Atlântico português por meio da análise dos contratos régios arrematados no Conselho Ultramarino. O recorte cronológico se iniciou no ano de 1720, com a centralização das arrematações dos contratos no Conselho Ultramarino e a crescente exploração do ouro, e teve como marco final o ano de 1807, com o fim do exclusivo metropolitano. A pesquisa analisa séries inéditas dos dízimos e dízimas das principais praças coloniais (Bahia, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais).

In an attempt to understand the reality of urban life, this work tries to examine how the distinct, discrete urban entities interact and interrelate. It argues that if the city, at the end of the twentieth century and beginning of the twenty-first century, is interpreted as fragments or regions that try to coexist, then these distinct units are not set in final solid forms. Rather, these tend to dismantle and alternate, at least momentarily. Encounters of the practices and rituals of daily life illustrate an instance of such interactions. As an example, in the Arab/Islamic cities (with specific reference to the case of Tripoli, Lebanon), funeral processions are rituals that encounter randomly discrete individuals walking in the street under distinct spatio-temporal conditions. These encounters go through a process of ‘conjunction’ and ‘disjunction’, which alternates the individual's belongingness to his or her logic and system in order to operate within others' systems. The alternation resets the individual's sensory and mental perception of their context, which reorders their framing within the fragment or region they are set in.

Cartography in the administration of Portuguese America can be related to three major processes—first, to allow the exploration and occupation of territory from the coast to the interior; second, to improve the organization of the colonial administration system; and third, as a basis for diplomatic negotiations of territory with other European nations. Between the 16th and 17th centuries, during the Atlantic maritime expansion through which new lands and new worlds were unveiled to Europeans, the Portuguese constructed a solid cartographic mapping of Brazil—a process in which they were the pioneers. The objective was to allow their vessels to cross the ocean and afterward to guarantee their dominion over the newly discovered lands, which resulted in a progressive increase of geographic knowledge of the world that was being unveiled to the Europeans. For these reasons, maps produced during these two centuries showed the increasing expectations and knowledge of the New World and reflected the manner of how the Americas, particularly Brazil, were gaining visibility among the European public; the maps satisfied the public’s curiosity about the recently discovered lands, with information related to geography and nature. Initially, as Spanish, Portuguese, and even French explorers began to reach the west coast of the continent, parts of the coastline began to appear on Portolan charts, which were used at that time for maritime sailing and are very rare today. Later the cartographers started portraying the interior of Brazil. Representations of local geography began to progressively replace images of natives and local flora and fauna. It became common on 17th-century maps to design a chain of rivers that allowed Brazil to be portrayed as an island. It was not by chance that this representation appeared in Portuguese maps at the same time as the Spanish and Portuguese crowns were unified, from 1580 to 1640. In the 17th and 18th centuries administrative cartography was mostly performed and supervised from Portugal by the Portuguese Crown or the Overseas Council, which handled all colonial policy. Two features characterized this activity: the impact of Portuguese colonization as it moved toward the western and central regions of the continent; and technical changes to cartographic practice that began at this time, characterized by Enlightenment rationality. The discovery of gold in the southeastern and central-west regions of Brazil, the Portuguese exploration of the Amazon basin, and the incessant disputes between the Spanish and Portuguese over Colonia del Sacramento in the south demanded better definition of both internal and external frontiers. Internal frontiers included divisions between captaincies, comarcas (a subdivision of captaincies originally of an ecclesiastical nature), bishoprics, and various other administrative divisions. External frontiers, by contrast, usually represented borders with Spanish American colonies.

So often there is discussion of how the cultures of the East and the West differ. Yet there are many similarities in perspective and practice. So too in life, for the many differences among humans there is much sameness. An interesting practice that occurs in some towns in the United States is to move vehicles to the side of the road as a funeral procession passes. The practice is viewed as showing respect for the dead and it makes no difference whether or not you know the person. Upon moving from a large urban area where the only concession to funeral processions is that they are not required to stop for red lights and stop signs, I was surprised by this practice. Yet, it clearly shows some of the rich diversity of American culture and one of the many ways of exhibiting reverence for the dead. The Japanese hold great reverence for dead ancestors. The initial grief period is followed by a prolonged period of remembrance of loved ones. This reverence of the Japanese for the dead is not far removed from the funeral procession practices in a southern U.S. community. I was struck by a similarity in Parse’s thinking about a human’s relationship with predecessors, contemporaries, and successors to the long period of mourning observed by the Japanese for deceased loved ones. Parse posits that our predecessors, contemporaries, and successors are with us at all times in day-to-day living (Parse, 1999). Though not exactly like the thinking of the Japanese, a strong remembrance of loved ones is consonant with her theoretical perspective. The evolution of nursing and nursing theory in Japan is quite fascinating. Many of the changes follow Japanese political and social events of the late 19th century and the 20th. A predominant facet of Japanese culture is the emphasis on family affiliation and respect for ancestors. Dr. Kay Hisama explains some of the cultural expectations of Japanese nurses in the following column.

From informants’ accounts and from the surviving rongorongo inscriptions one can gather that the script’s glyphs had been incised on wooden staffs, wooden tablets, wooden rei miro ceremonial pectorals, wooden Birdman statuettes, and a handful of other wooden objects. However, throughout Polynesia stone, not wood, was the most permanent material used as a medium and container of mana-adding sacred symbols to the stone increased and charged the objects with divine power (Handy, 192]: 179). Still, no authentic rongorongo inscriptions are known ever to have been incised in stone. If rongorongo was ever written on tapa-bark cloth, no evidence for this practice has survived. Rongorongo appears to be exclusively-apart from the tuhunga ta’s special rongorongo tattoosthe provenance of the master woodcarver. This suggests that rongorongo may have been regarded by the premissionary Rapanui as something apart from the traditional petroglyph complex with its conjectured rituals and tapu. Indeed, at the beginning of the nineteenth century the new custom of rongorongo may even have superseded the island’s ancient rock art tradition.

19th century written Estonian – from interlanguage to amalgam While in Western Europe the period from the French Revolution to World War I is regarded as the long 19th century − the time of the development of nationalism and the modernization of society, in the countries forming the western part of Czarist Russia similar developments emerged a bit later, from the beginning of the 19th century. Estonia entered the 19th century as a class society, in which the upper class was formed by Baltic Germans and the lower class by Estonians. Germans were also the developers and primary users of the Estonian written language. In the 19th century, the Enlightenment reached the Baltics, societal reforms took place, and the economic situation and educational opportunities of the native population improved. In the second half of the 19th century, the Estonian national awakening began, and the status of Estonians and Estonian in society gradually rose. Beginning from the mid-19th century, Estonian-language texts were written primarily by native Estonian speakers, although their language of education and culture was German. As in neighboring countries, the linguistic situation in Estonia was characterized by double diglossia (cf. Nordlund 2007). Both German and Estonian were in use, and there were different varieties of Estonian, standard written Estonian and spoken vernacular Estonian – the former bearing high status (H-variety), the latter lower status (L-variety) (see Rutten 2016). The article examines the variation in usage of three morphosyntactic indicator features in 19th-century Estonian texts written by influential authors (J.W.L. von Luce, F.R. Kreutzwald, C.R. Jakobson, E. Vilde) in different decades, exploring the reflection of sociolinguistic conditions in the dynamics of language usage. The research material comes from the University of Tartu Corpus of Old Written Estonian. The three indicator features examined are 1) the partial vs. total object opposition, which exists in Estonian but not in German, 2) the complexity of verbal structures, which is generally higher in German, and 3) the saama ‘get, become’ future construction, which was introduced into written Estonian by 17th-century Germans as a calque of the German werden future. Our previous research results have shown that the form of written Estonian developed by German scholars (for whom Estonian was an L2) in the 16th – 18th centuries can be considered a sort of collective interlanguage. It is characterized by the excessive preference for the total object form, overuse of complex verbal structures and the use of a future construction foreign to Estonian. The first of these we regard as a qualitative feature of interlanguage, the second and third we regard as quantitative features. Our research shows that the overuse of the total object form declines over the course of the 19th century, but the opposite extreme can also be observed, overuse of the partial object. By contrast, the quantitative features are preserved and even broadened in texts by Estonian authors (in comparison to the texts of the German author Luce from the beginning of the century). Therefore, the written language of the transition period beginning in the mid-19th century can be regarded as an amalgam (L3), wherein native speakers partially adopt the interlanguage of L2 speakers (see Thomason 2001).The authors’ linguistic choices reflect different strategies and their changes over time. Kreutzwald, writing in the middle of the century, shows many interlanguage characteristics, and some amalgam features even become more pronounced in his writing over time (complexity of verbal structure, saama future). Jakobson also frequently uses interlanguage-like verbal structures, but shows a strong preference for the partial (partitive) object. In the texts of Vilde, from the end of the century, the overuse of these complex verbal structures is reduced, but saama future constructions are very common. He too is somewhat inconsistent in object case usage, which indicates that a stable system for object case had not yet developed in the written language by the end of the 19th century.The amalgam phase in the history of the development of written Estonian continued beyond the beginning of the 20th century. In further studies, we plan to analyze the rest of the long 19th century until World War I and Estonian independence.

Este texto propõe uma análise teórica e das práticas históricas e socioculturais da escrita, com base no modelo de Tradição Discursiva e na prática filológico-linguística. Serão analisados Requerimentos sobre a Bahia, produzidos no século XVIII, no âmbito da Administração Pública do antigo Conselho Ultramarino. A Filologia promove o resgate e a reconfiguração de dados linguísticos em edições de textos institucionais setecentistas, considerando os modos de produção dos agentes da escrita. Ao se produzir um texto jurídico-administrativo na América Portuguesa, era preciso que o escrevente conhecesse bem o sistema do que nós chamamos hoje de Tradição Discursiva. Em outras palavras, era necessário conhecer os modos de dizer que regem a organização desse tipo de construção textual, marcado por fórmulas obrigatórias e unidades lexicais que se articulam no texto. Portanto, partindo do modelo de Tradições Discursivas, podem ser notadas certas regularidades e variações linguísticas nesse gênero textual. Nesse caminho, a ancoragem teórica deste trabalho fundamenta-se nos estudos do modelo de Tradição Discursiva (COSERIU, 1979; SCHLIBEN-LANGE, 1993; SCHMIDT-RIESE, 2010; KABATEK, 2004; 2006; 2012) e da Filologia (CAMBRAIA, 2005; MARQUILHAS, 2000; GONÇALVES, 2017; 2018; 2019). Por fim, os Requerimentos registram informações e pedidos, com base em atos legais ou de jurisprudência, apresentando-se como instrumentos relevantes na solicitação de petições da população às autoridades públicas.

We present a discussion about african culture expression. Performed at Captaincy of Pernambuco seen by the discourse produced at the colonial management and at the Roman Catholic Church. We try to understand by analysing official documentation produced in the last twenty years of 18th century, by Overseas Council and Inquisition Court of Lisbon with these practices (dances, festivities, batuques , charms, mandingas ) influenced not only dailylife of theirs protagonists – the africans and their descendentes –, but also settlers people of the religious management and agents of the colonial management.

Apresentamos uma discussão sobre as práticas culturais africanas realizadas na Capitania de Pernambuco vistas pela documentação produzida na administração colonial e a Igreja Católica Romana sobre as mesmas. Procuramos entender, através da análise da documentação oficial produzida nos últimos vinte anos do século XVIII, no âmbito do Conselho Ultramarino e do Tribunal da Inquisição de Lisboa, como essas práticas (danças, festas, batuques, feitiços, mandingas) influenciavam não só o cotidiano dos seus protagonistas, os africanos e seus descendentes, mas, também, dos colonos, pessoas ligadas a administração religiosa e agentes ligados à administração colonial.

The article is devoted to the research of the topical problem of organization of assistance to the victims of military actions in the beginning of the 20th century. Based on the analysis of legislative acts, archival documents on the topic of the study, the authors came to the following conclusions: by the beginning of the 20th century there was a system of state, public and private charity on the basis of insufficient legal framework in Russia. Providing charitable assistance to the victims of military actions was the most important component of this system. A typical representative of a public-state organization at the beginning of the century was the Society of Universal Assistance to War-Affected Soldiers and their Families, which acted as a conductor of the official charity policy and carried out the instructions of the authorities.

The arrival of Christianity in the 19th century has greatly affected the traditional beliefs and customs of the Bidayuh in Sarawak, Malaysia. One of the rituals affected is that relating to funeral customs. This paper focuses on the influence of Christianity and modern lifestyle on the traditional Bidayuh funeral rites in this 21st century. The data were gathered from two funerals of traditional Bidayuh in Kampong Duyoh and Suba Baru of the Jagoi area; in Bau district. Traditional Bidayuh funeral customs are heavily influenced by their animistic beliefs and pagan/traditional rituals. Typical to any of the traditional funeral amongst the indigenous tribes of Borneo, a Bidayuh funeral is advised by a traditional priest. It is also a common trait to see it as a communal event where the whole village is involved during the wake and the funeral procession. With the conversion of most Bidayuh into Christianity, the traditional Bidayuh funeral and rites have been a rarity and exclusive only to those pagan Bidayuh. Younger generations are not exposed to the rites and tradition as funerals are in accordance to the Christian rituals. Even with the last remaining pagan Bidayuh, Christian influence could be seen in the traditional Bidayuh funeral rites and rituals.

A modernization of the educational system was an important priority for the government. Sweden emerged as a dominant military power during the 17th century. The new schools were then established in the midst of a social, political, and cultural transformation with fundamental effects on the school system. The new schools had difficulties freeing themselves from old traditions, depended on an old economic structure, and filled a role as a system of population control. The latter was also related to the organization of the early modern educational system as well as systems of supporting the poor by conspicuous — personal — distribution of money and presents, which during the course of the 17th century was to be replaced by institutionalized care of the poor and new systems of surveillance. An important aspect of the article is a discussion of the role of early modern education for the material well being of poor families of Stockholm.