A History of the Church in Ukraine, Volume I: To the End of the Thirteenth Century by Sophia Senyk

Middle-Irish tale on The of Christ's Blood (Digail Fola Crist) is not parallel to the apocryph called Vindicta Salvatoris. Based on a compilation drawing mainly from the Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius of Cesarea, the Irish story falls into three parts, a biography of James the first bishop of Jerusalem, ending with the martyrizing of the same, then the signs or wonders foretelling the destruction of Jerusalem, and lastly the description of the siege, AD 70, and of the numerous cruelties which then occurred. These last two parts rely on the War of the Jews by Flavius Josephus, through the quotations made by Eusebius. By its composition, the tale seems to bestow an additional meaning to the word Revenge: what has to be revenged is not only Christ's death, but also (and foremost) the death of his parent, James Minor, as it is suggested by the title, Revenge of Christ's Blood. Obviously, the compiler totally accepts Eusebius' opinion according to which the siege of Jerusalem was an extraor...

In his Ecclesiastical history, Socrates depicts Helena as a pious, strong and independent woman, the mother of the emperor, realizing her own ideas and acting as a tool in the hands of God – the ultimate inspiration of her actions. The emperor, her son, only supported her in her undertakings. According to Socrates, Helena travelled to Jerusalem to answer God’s call; there, she organized the search for the Sepulchre and the Holy Cross and found them. She was supported by Macarius, the bishop of Jerusalem, who, after God’s intervention, distinguished the True Cross from the crosses of the two villains. The empress divided the relics and sent some of them to her son to Constantinople; moreover, in the Holy Land, she built three basilicas connected with the life of Christ. Finally, Socrates mentions her piety and discusses the place of her burial. Conversely, in Sozomen’s account of the recovery of Christ’s Sepulchre and the relics, the main role is played by emperor Constantine, who wished to repay God for his blessings; he ordered the search and the construction of the basilica on Mount Golgotha. His mother only supported him in his plans, led by her devoutness, to which Sozomen pays more attention than his predecessor – he emphasizes Helena’s sensitivity to human poverty and suffering. The emperor was also involved in her generous deeds and gave her access to the imperial treasury. Thus, as indicated by Sozomen, Helena’s piety brought prosperity both to her family and to the whole Roman Empire.

The author writes about the seventeen busts of the church hierarchs painted in the central part of the altar area above the figures of officiating Church Fathers. Starting from the north side, there are depictions of St. Dionysios, St. Hierotheos, St. Michael the Confessor, St. Eutychios, St. Paul the Confessor, St. Germanos, St. Tarasios, St. Methodios, St. James the Brother of God, St. Silvester, St. Clement of Rome, St. Metrophanes, St. John the Almsgiver, St. Meletios, St. Epiphanios, St. Andrew of Crete and St. Amphilochios. The fact that the central position in the frieze of busts is occupied by St. James Adelphotheos points to the significance of Jerusalem, James' devotion to Christ and the aposties' decision to elect him as the first bishop of Jerusalem. Other monuments of Byzantine painting are mentioned in which an important role was attached to this bishop. The grouping of the Constantinopolitane patriarchs around St. James Adelphotheos (St. Germanos, St. Tarasios, St. Methodios) is considered in the context of the victory over the iconoclasts, after 843. Among them is the patriarch of Constantinople, St. Paul the Confessor, while on the other side St. Metrophanes is painted. This article also contains an excursus about St. Germanos of Constantinople, with a description of his cult in the region of Prespa. Author mentions that among the popes, St. Clement of Rome was widely revered in the Ohrid diocese, by virtue of the fact that St. Clement of Ohrid received the same monastic name as that Roman pontiff, and also because of the transfer of his relics from Cherson in the Crimea to Rome, by the brothers from Thessalonica, SS. Cyril and Methodios. The author refers to the figures of St. Michael the Confessor and St. Eutyhios, expressing the assumption that St. Michael, bishop of Synada, was painted alongside of St. Eutyhios, patriarch of Constantinople, in the effort to preserve the memory of the painters of the Ohrid church, Michael Astrapas and Eutychios. In medieval art, the image of St. Michael of Synada is painted only in the illustrated calendars (May 23r ), while St. Eutyhios of Constantinople appears in the compositions of the 5 Ecumenical Council. The Athenian hierarchs, St. Dionysios and St. Hierotheos have their place because they took part in the burial of the Blessed Virgin, and they are also depicted in the Assumption of the Virgin, in the same church. The other painted hierarchs - patriarch of Alexandria John the Almsgiver, patriarch Meletios of Antioch, as well as the aforementioned hierarchs were at the head of the old and renowned Christian centres - Cyprus, Crete and Iconium. This principle of the arrangement was almost always applied in the churches after the victory of the iconophiles, and can be seen in full in the altar of St. Sofia in Ohrid. Of the hierarchs outside the altar space, next to the altar chancel on the northern wall of the church, there are presentations only of St. Clement of Ohrid and St. Constantine Kabasilas, as the representatives of the Ohrid church. The endeavour of the painters to illustrate the unity and ecumenical nature of the church in the Christian world is evident. In that respect, analogies are highlighted with the choice and presentations of the leaders of the Christian cathedrals in the altar of St. Sofia of Ohrid, about which A. Grabar and S. Radojcic have given thorough accounts. .

The Chronicle of the Catholic Church in Ukraine, an underground publication of the Action Group for the Defence of the Rights of Believers and the Church * , appeared in Ukraine in early 1984 and made its way to the West later that year. I The Action Group was founded on 9 September 1982 by Iosyp Terelya, its first chairman, and four other Ukrainian Catholics with the purpose of seeking legalisation of their church. Since 1 March 1984 the chairman of the Action Group has been Vasyl' Kobryn, who was arrested in November 1984 and sentenced on 22 March 1985, under article 187-1 ofthe Ukrainian Criminal Code, to three years labour camp. Terelya was arrested on 8 February 1985 and on 20 August was sentenced to a twelve-year term on charges of anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda. The Chronicle is a composite document, compiled from different sources and containing material of a variety of types and on a variety of subjects. This renders the customary uncertainty regarding the authenticity of all portions of a samizdat document particularly acute. The Chronicle states that 81 Ukrainian Catholic priests were secretly ,ordained in Transcarpathia (in western Ukraine) over the previous three ·'years. There is a three-year underground monastery schoolin that region for the Christian education of youth. It is in Transcarpathia that the Ukrainian Catholic Church is strongest (issue No. 2). In the late 1970s five Catholic priests travelled to the Belorussian SSR and established three deaneries and dozens of parishes. Dozens of Ukrainian Catholic missionary priests have been active in eastern Ukraine as well (No. 7). The Chronicle provide~ information on repression of Seventh-Day Adventists (No. 1), Baptists (Nos. 1,2,5), Belorussian Catholics (No. 7), Jehovah's Witnesses (Nos. 1,2,5), Orthodox (Nos. 1,4,5), Pentecostals' (No. 7), and Ukrainian Catholics (Nos. 1-9). Searches, confiscations and imposition of fines are recorded. Among suggestions of how to behave during a search, praying aloud is advised; one must pray, too, for the

A wide range of factors impacted the development of the liturgy of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in the United States. The nineteenth century’s burgeoning immigrant Ukrainian population in the United States and the Ukrainian Catholic Church’s dependence upon the homeland in the first decades after immigration formed the Ukrainian liturgy’s earliest U.S. identity. Attempts at latinization, owing to the influences of the Catholic Church’s Latin rite, both in the United States and in Europe, brought departures from the Ukrainian Church’s Byzantine liturgy. As the Ukrainian Church matured and moved toward independence, a highly educated native clergy brought liturgical renewal. The unfortunate events in 1945 and 1946, forcing Ukrainian Catholics in the homeland underground, led the faithful in the United States to continue without significant leadership from Ukraine. In the last fifty years, influenced by the Second Vatican Council and the Code of Canon Law for the Eastern Catholic Churches , the Ukrainian Church has achieved modest liturgical change.

THE IDEA OF A UKRAINIAN CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY: ITS ORIGINS AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE AFTER 1991 The historical predecessors of the today’s Ukrainian Catholic University were the Greek-Catholic Theological Academy founded in 1928 in Lviv by Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, and the Ukrainian Catholic University of St. Clemens the Pope in Rome, established by Metropolitan Josyf Slipyj in December 1963, after his release from the Soviet imprisonment. In 1994, the Lviv Theological Academy was restored in the independent Ukraine, and in 2002 it was transformed into a university. The very name of the institution reflects the three consecutive stages of its history. As first, during the interwar period, when Western Ukraine was within the borders of Poland, the principal task was to provide Ukrainian youth with a possibility to pursue higher studies in their native language. During the Soviet period, when the Greek-Catholic Church in Ukraine was banned and persecuted, the top priority was to maintain links with the Catholic world. Nowadays, in the independent Ukraine, the UCU seeks to become a new type of university offering an alternative to the post-Soviet educational approach and forming leaders to serve with professional excellence in Ukraine and internationally – for the glory of God, the common good, and the dignity of the human person.

The Department of Religious Studies is formed on an autonomous basis in the structure of the Institute of Philosophy by the decision of the Presidium of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in June 1991 with the prospect of its transformation into an independent academic institution. The first director of the Department was Dr. Philos. Mr., O.S. Onischenko, Corresponding Member of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. The Department includes departments of the philosophy of religion (headed by A. Kolodnyi, Ph.D.), sociology of religion (the head of the Philosophical Philosophy Department P.Kosuh), the history of religion in Ukraine (the head of the Philosophy Philosophy Yarotsky) During the first three years, departments conducted research on the following topics: "Methodological Principles and Categorical Apparatus of Religious Studies"; "Contemporary Religious Situation in Ukraine: State, Trends, Forecasts"; "History of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine". Since 1994, they have been working on problems: "The phenomenon of religion: nature, essence, functionality"; "Religious activity in the context of social processes in Ukraine"; "Features and milestones of the history of Ukrainian Christianity". At the time, the research group on the history of theological thought in Ukraine (headed by K.Filosov V.Klimov) studied the creative work of Metropolitan Petro Mohyla, a group on the study of neo-religions (head of the department - Philosophy L. L. Filippovich) - investigated new religious currents and cults of post-socialist Ukraine, and a group on the history of Protestantism (headed by F. Philosopher P. Kosuh, coordinator - Ph.D. S.Golovashchenko) conducted a large-scale study of archival sources on the history of the Gospel-Baptist movement in Ukraine. In 1995, the Department employed 30 scientific staff (including 5 doctors and 14 candidates of science).

The debate over clerical celibacy and marriage had its origins in the early Christian centuries, and is still very much alive in the modern church. The content and form of controversy have remained remarkably consistent, but each era has selected and shaped the sources that underpin its narrative, and imbued an ancient issue with an immediacy and relevance. The basic question of whether, and why, continence should be demanded of those who serve at the altar has never gone away, but the implications of that question, and of the answers given, have changed with each generation. In this reassessment of the history of sacerdotal celibacy, Helen Parish examines the emergence and evolution of the celibate priesthood in the Latin church, and the challenges posed to this model of the ministry in the era of the Protestant Reformation. Celibacy was, and is, intensely personal, but also polemical, institutional, and historical. Clerical celibacy acquired theological, moral, and confessional meanings in the writings of its critics and defenders, and its place in the life of the church continues to be defined in relation to broader debates over Scripture, apostolic tradition, ecclesiastical history, and papal authority. Highlighting continuity and change in attitudes to priestly celibacy, Helen Parish reveals that the implications of celibacy and marriage for the priesthood reach deep into the history, traditions, and understanding of the church.

Reviewed by: Clerical Celibacy in the West: c. 1100–1700 by Helen Parish Elizabeth Abbott Clerical Celibacy in the West: c. 1100–1700. By Helen Parish. [Catholic Christendom, 1300–1700.] (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing. 2010. Pp. xii, 282. $99.95. ISBN 978-0-7546-3949-7.) The topic of Helen Parish’s authoritative and immensely readable Clerical Celibacy is rooted in millennia of Christian doctrine, discipline, and practice, and remains as timely and contentious as ever. Pope Francis called it “a rule of life that I appreciate very much, and … a gift for the church” but added that “since it is not a dogma, the door is always open.” In her introduction, Parish underscores the vastness and complexity of her subject. Celibacy and marriage are intensely personal and private matters, but in the [End Page 349] context of the Christian priesthood, very public, and at times polemical statements. The commitment to a life of celibacy demanded of the Catholic clergy reaches to the heart of the individual, but also to the heart of the history of the Church that he serves, and clerical celibacy continues to be defined in relation to scripture, apostolic tradition, ecclesiastical history, and papal authority (p. 13). Despite her subtitle (c. 1100–1700), Parish begins by examining the attitudes and experiments of the early Church, which set the tone for centuries of discussion and debate. St. Paul was a towering influence in the debate, and Parish describes how his “infamous statement in defence of chastity” (p. 24) in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, and his moderate though ambivalent observations about marriage fueled the debate about clerical celibacy. So did St. Jerome’s diatribes against any suggestion that virginity and chastity were not the highest form of Christian expression. In his denunciation of the monk Jovinian, who defended the worth of married clergy, Jerome insisted that clerics either remain unmarried or, if married, then abstain from sex—the only way, he believed, they could achieve the holiness that was an essential priestly quality. The sexually experienced St. Augustine, on the other hand, who believed that “all sexual activity [w]as accompanied by ritual pollution” (p. 39), tempered his recommendations about clerical celibacy for the very practical reason that it was difficult to find enough priests. His solution was to accept married men, secure in the knowledge that ordination would bestow on them the grace to live chaste lives. Even as the theological foundation for clerical celibacy developed and matured, the reality of the early Church was that many of its clergymen were married. In this context, the chapter on the history of clerical marriage in the Eastern churches adds a fascinating dimension to the issue, and Parish concludes: The married ministry of the Eastern church might appear be stand in stark contrast to perpetual continence of Latin priests, but the law which committed them to temporary continence was constructed on the same foundations as the celibacy obligation which bound the clergy of the Roman church. (p. 86) The locus of chapter 3, “‘A concubine or an unlawful woman’: Celibacy, Marriage, and the Gregorian Reform,” is “a central place in the history and historical narrative of clerical celibacy,” when many priests were married “and leading a life almost indistinguishable at first glance from that of their parishioners” (p. 89). But when church holdings fell into private hands, these priests were blamed for the common practice of assigning church properties to their children and even founding dynasties. The ensuing churchly campaign against clerical wives and children did not, Parish notes, “manifest the rhetoric of purity and sacerdotalism that was to characterise later attempts to regulate clerical conduct” (p. 96) and relied instead on harsh punishments: removing clergy from office; instructing (often reluctant) parishioners to decline sacraments from noncompliant priests; threatening excommunication; even forcibly separating ordained husband from wife and children. [End Page 350] Interwoven into Parish’s descriptions of centuries of such real-life complexities and dynamics are stories of how Gregorian reformers effected drastic changes in canon law and how the Church’s devotional focus on the Eucharist and Christ’s presence led to the new vision of priests who were chaste and unstained as they handled...

In the first millennium of the Christendom, the primacy of the Roman Pope in jurisdictional terms was not acknowledged by all. Although Eastern churches regarded the Roman pope as primus inter pares (first among the equals). Clement's epistle to the Church of Corinth is considered to be the first case from which the responsibility of the Roman See for other churches can be seen. The epistle urges the members of the Corinthian church to peace and order. In this epistle sent from Rome, a strong, authoritative and caring voice is clearly felt. It is also necessary to analyze the letters sent in the opposite direction (from the East to Rome). For example, Ignatius of Antioch's letter to the Romans, unlike the rest of his letters, does not contain an exhortation or recommendation to guard against heresies, but only praise of the Roman Church who is "teaching others". In the words of Irenaeus Lyon, "due to the supreme authority of the Roman Church, it is necessary that all churches, or Christians everywhere, agree (convenire) with it, because here the apostolic tradition has always been preserved by all". It is also known that there was a difference of opinion between Polycarp of Smyrna and Pope Aniketus on the issue of celebration of the Easter. An agreement was not reached, but they have immediately reconciled, because they did not want to argue with each other about this issue. Both sides peacefully continued to follow their own different traditions. Later on a conflict with Rome also arose over the issue of the baptism of heretics. In the Church of Rome, heretics were not rebaptized. But in the North African church, during the time of Cyprian of Carthage, the rebaptism of heretics was necessary. During the controversy, Cyprian says that no bishop had more power than another one. However, Cyprian is "obviously in a defensive position" when confronting Rome. The Holy Father noted that he does not intend to impose his opinion on others, nor does he want to sever ties with Pope Stephen. According to researchers, in general, "Cyprian was imbued with deep respect for the Roman Church". For Cyprian, the Roman Cathedral is the basis and guarantee of the unity of the Church. That is why, when he faced certain destructive forces in his own church, he was always ready to turn to Rome, which he considered "the source of episcopal unity (principalem unde unitas sacerdotalis)". Thus, such historical cases assist us to understand that in the early centuries the Roman pope did not have final and comprehensive power (as a monarch) over the rest of the churches. However, it is undeniable that the Roman See had exceptional authority, prestige and influence on the whole Christendom.

Wrapped in the bog. Perspectives on the Skjoldehamn find and its ethnic and cultural affiliationIn 1936 an extraordinary find of a clothed skeleton wrapped in a blanket and covered with birch bark appeared in a bog at Skjoldehamn on Andøya Island. The wrapped body was laid on a reindeer pelt, which in turn was placed on sticks of birch. The grave dates to the 11th century, probably the later half. Compared with relevant Norse, Sámi, and Christian graves and burial customs, the Skjoldehamn grave exhibits several similar features, although typical Christian features seem absent. Norse and Sámi graves display a blend of ethnic features, which makes it difficult to single out a particular burial custom or ethnic affiliation. Previous analyses of the Skjoldehamn costume and shoe fragments strongly indicate similarities with Sámi costume and shoe-making from the 17th century and later. Recent analysis of the metal content of cast rings/pearls from the costume has yielded mean values of 93 % pewter and 6 % lead. Casting of pewter objects is an exclusive Sámi craft in Fenno-Scandinavia and similar objects are documented in several Sámi contexts from the 11th to 14th centuries. Judging from costume and craft traditions alone, the Skjoldehamn find appears to be Sámi. Mixed grave features, however, indicate a more hybrid affiliation.

The article is devoted to the analysis of scientific works of the well-known in the Ukrainian diaspora musicologist and publicist Myron Fedoriv in the context of preservation of the national song traditions outside ethnic territory. It provides information about the most important theoretical achievements of the scientist in the field of musicology, and defines the place and significance of activity of the cultural public figure and scientist in the history of musical and choral culture of Ukraine and the western diaspora. The aim of the article is the analysis of Myron Fedoriv’s musicological heritage in the context of conservation problems of the national song and choral tradition in the cultural environment of the Ukrainian emigration. Research methods аrе based on biographical, culturological, and musicological approaches, with the help of which theoretical analysis, synthesis and systematization of data from archival sources and literature were carried out within the framework of the research problem, as an evidence base for solving the goal Results. Myron Fedorіv is a Ukrainian composer, publicist and musicologist who lived in the United States most of his life. He left a large amount of musical material and theoretical works in the history of Ukrainian choral culture, so he stopped the destruction of song traditions and samples of canonical liturgical singing in the Ukrainian churches in the diaspora. In his works, M. Fedorіv wrote that the singing tradition is the basis of the Ukrainian national spiritual culture, and therefore it should be preserved in the Ukrainian Catholic Church in America. As a result, the musicological heritage of M. Fedoriv is very valuable for the history of the Ukrainian musical culture of the twentieth century. M. Fedoriv was the guardian of the traditions of Ukrainian song culture and choral music in the art of the Ukrainian diaspora in the United States. Thus, his activity deserves a more detailed study. Novelty. For the first time scientific musicological works by M. Fedoriv are presented as a theoretical and methodological basis in the process of preserving the national singing traditions in the Ukrainian Western Diaspora.

Religionsskiftet i sen vikingetid – Belyst ud fra Harvey Whitehouses teori om religiøse modaliteter

ECCLES/A DOCENS: STRUCTURES OF DOCTRINAL AUTHORITY INTERTULLIAN AND VINCENT IN THE CONTROVERSY following the publication of the encyclical Humanae Vitae, the discussion concerning ecclesiastical doctrinal authority occupied much more time than the arguments over the moral issues more directly involved. The prohibition and condemnation of contraception had to be upheld, it was maintained, because to do otherwise would mean introducing an element of serious discontinuity with previous Catholic teaching.1 It has been claimed that this preoccupation with continuity is a trait of the modern Church, especially of the modern Papacy. It is intriguing to consider whether the remark of Tertullian in Adversus Praxean referred to similar concern for continuity c. 200 A. D. The bishop of Rome, according to Tertullian, was on the verge of granting some sort of recognition and approval to the Montanist movement in Asia Minor, when the Modalist heretic, Praxeas, dissuaded him with lies and"... by (his) insistence on the decisions of the bishop's predecessors." 2 Continuity, in one form or another, has been a constant concern of the Church. In earlier centuries, this concern could be summed up in the word" apostolicity." As the first generation of Christian gentile converts began to pass from the scene and increasingly discordant versions of the Christian message were preached, the need for verification of the link with the past became evident. Irenaeus could speak proudly of his direct connection with the Apostle John through Polycarp of Smyrna. Yet Florinus had had the same experience and Irenaeus con1 H. Kling, Infallible? An Inquiry. (Trans. E. Quinn, Garden City, 1971) 54. 2 Adversus Praxean. 1 (CC ~.1159 Kroymann & Evans). 96 " ECCLESIA DOCENS " 97 sidered him a heretic.a Papias could proclaim his preference for the living voice of tradition. Yet his own beliefs, e.g. millenarianism , demonstrated the unreliability of this approach. Eusebius deemed Papias " a man of exceedingly small intelligence ." 4' The growing dilemma led to increasing pressure for a practical solution. This practical solution was found in combining the argument from succession, formulated succinctly in Clement of Rome, with the ever more important office of the monarchical episcopate.5 Gnostics also claimed that their teaching took its origin from the teaching of the Apostles. As Ptolemy wrote to Flora: "For with God's help you will learn ... if you are deemed worthy of knowing the apostolic tradition which we too have received from a succession ..." 6 The answer to the Gnostic challenge was formulated by Irenaeus and Tertullian.7 The basic argument has not changed greatly since that day. Immutability is the hallmark of Catholic doctrine; variation, the characteristic of heresy. Bossuet in the 17th century, like Tertullian in the third, could still pursue this reasoning.8 As historical knowledge increased and, more important, the historical mentality took deeper root in the 18th and 19th centuries , this view became untenable. Evolutionary and developmental theories became the fashion of the time. Yet, when it was a question of Catholic doctrine, only a homogeneous development was acceptable. Catholic doctrine did change, it was recognized, but always in the sense of progress, always in the direction of greater clarity and explicitation. As Jossua has observed, homogeneity came to play in historically aware • Eus. H. E. V. 20. 4-8. (GCS text (E. Schwartz) in K. Lake, Loeb edition. Vol. 1 496-8.) • Eusebius H. E. III. 39.13 (LCL 1.296). 5 Clement of Rome. 42. 1-2 (K. Lake, Loeb edition 78-80.). The Letters of Ignatius of Antioch (LCL 172 ff) . 6 Letter of Ptolemy to Flora (SC 24.68 Quispe!) (Paris, 1949). • Irenaeus Adversus Haereses III. 3 (SC 211. 30£ Rousseau & Doutreleau) (Paris, 1974). Tertullian De Praescriptione Haereticorum 36 (CC 1.216-7 Refoule). 8 0. Chadwick From Bossuet to Newman Ch. 1 "Semper Eadem" (Cambridge 1957). 98 ROBERT B. ENO circles the role that fixity and perenniality had for more conservative minds.9 Today's problematic is considerably more complex than this. Even a recent Roman document like Mysterium Ecclesiae (sect. 5) admits the problem of the historicity of doctrines but then gives it short shrift. One's view of the ancient solution of apostolic succession seems highly colored by one's basic ecclesial presuppositions...

"Mitchell, Alexander Ferrier, (10 Sept. 1822–22 March 1899), Emeritus Professor of Divinity and Ecclesiastical History, University of St Andrews; retired 1894" published on by Oxford University Press.