A Feminist History of Violence against Women and the LGBTQIA+ Community in Chile, 1964–2018

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From a historical perspective, violence against women and the LGBTQIA+ community (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, asexual, and “+” for other possible associated identities) in Chile has presented itself and been understood in different ways. On the one hand, we have to take into consideration what Maria Lugones has named the “coloniality of gender” and how racism, sexism, and heteronormativity was installed from the colonial period onward, promoting specific violences against indigenous, black, lesbian, and trans women. Additionally, for a great deal of time, from roughly the colonial period until the 1990s, it was considered completely acceptable to use violence in the family and in intimate partner relationships to “correct” and punish women and girls. The Pinochet dictatorship (1973–1990) also adds another dimension to this discussion, as women were affected by gendered and sexualized state terrorism. However, the reappearance of strong women’s and feminist groups during the dictatorship also signaled a profound questioning of these types of gender violence, linking it to patriarchal structures and the need for democracy “in the country” and “in the home.” A similar effect was achieved by the emergence of LGBTQIA+ groups from the 1980s on, as they questioned the historic violence, hate crimes, and discrimination against gay men, lesbians, and, more recently, trans people. In both cases, then, pressures from social movement groups have forced the post-dictatorship Chilean state to pass laws and promote anti-violence public policy. For better and for worse, however, those anti-violence initiatives that have been most successful, in terms of visibility and public policy coverage, have generally centered on violences experienced by white-mestiza, cishet, urban women, particularly those that survive family violence. Historiographies on violence against women and the LGBTQIA+ community are relatively scarce, although there has been increased production in the last ten years, especially around the topics of women survivors of family or intimate partner violence and women survivors of torture and political prison.

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Gender inequitable beliefs, blaming attitudes, externalised and internalised stigma are commonly recognised barriers for intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors seeking help. However, the measurement of IPV stigma, its associations with inequitable gender beliefs and impacts on survivor disclosure, help-seeking behaviours, and mental health outcomes remain understudied. We explored women's agreement with statements about gendered power dynamics and violence in intimate heterosexual relationships, before identifying and psychometrically testing scales derived for measuring community norms and beliefs underlying stigma to IPV. We used data from a nationally representative sample of 596 women living in Botswana. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) occurred with responses of IPV survivors, and involved items from the Community Ideas about Gender Relations, Community Ideas about Rape, and Gender Equitable Women Scales. For each EFA identified scale, we estimated reliability (McDonald's omega (ω)) and correlation with psychosocial outcomes related to IPV stigma. Among IPV survivors, we also considered whether survivors had disclosed their experience of abuse to others prior to the interview. Some 40.9% (n = 244) of women have experienced physical and/or sexual IPV at least once in their lives. Among them, an EFA of 31 gender beliefs and norms identified three latent variables: community norms about male dominance over female partners (C-MDP) (11 items; ω = 0.86); respondent beliefs about male dominance over female partners (I-MDP) (12 items; ω = 0.83); and survivor blaming attitudes (SBA) for the IPV they experienced (8-items; ω = 0.83). Some 15% of survivors had attempted suicide in the past, 8% had disclosed having suicidal thoughts, 49% were considered at risk for depression, and 18% at risk for post-traumatic stress disorder. Survivors who more strongly endorsed C-MDP appeared more likely to have attempted suicide (p = 0.04), and less likely to have disclosed their IPV experience prior to the study (p = 0.002). Survivors who more strongly endorsed SBA appeared more likely to have had suicidal thoughts (p = 0.02) and greater post-traumatic stress symptoms (p = 0.06). C-MDP, I-MDP and SBA appear related to psychosocial and disclosure outcomes. Gendered social norms may play an important role in understanding how survivors experience IPV stigma. We recommend further research into culture-informed practices that act to socialise such norms.

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