A description of Changki-Ao phonology with a note on orthography

Though the study of metrics and poetic verse has long informed phonological theory, studies of musical adaptation remain on the fringe of linguistic theory. In this paper, I argue that musical adaptation provides a unique window in speakers’ knowledge of their phonological system, which can provide crucial evidence for phonological theory. I draw on two case studies from my fieldwork in West Africa: tonal textsetting of sung folk music in Tommo So (Dogon, Mali) and the balafon surrogate language in Seenku (Mande, Burkina Faso). I show how results of these studies provide evidence for different levels of phonological grammar, the phonetics-phonology interface, and incomplete application of grammatical tone. Further, the case of the balafon surrogate language shows how studying music can be a valuable tool in language documentation and phonological description. Finally, preliminary study of Seenku tonal textsetting suggests important differences in the level of phonological encoding in vocal music vs. instrumental surrogate speech.

The nondeviant nature of deviant phonological systems

This study examines and explores the effectiveness of various Machine Learning Algorithms (MLAs) in identifying intricate tonal contrasts in Chokri (ISO 639-3), an under-documented and endangered Tibeto-Burman language of the Sino-Tibetan language family spoken in Nagaland, India. Seven different supervised MLAs, viz., [Logistic Regression (LR), Decision Tree (DT), Random Forest (RF), Support Vector Machine (SVM), K-Nearest Neighbors (KNN), Naive Bayes (NB)], and one neural network (NN)-based algorithms [Artificial Neural Network (ANN)] are implemented to explore five-way tonal contrasts in Chokri. Acoustic correlates of tonal contrasts, encompassing fundamental frequency fluctuations, viz., f0 height and f0 direction, are examined. Contrary to the prevailing notion of NN supremacy, this study underscores the impressive accuracy achieved by the RF. Additionally, it reveals that combining f0 height and directionality enhances tonal contrast recognition for female speakers, while f0 directionality alone suffices for male speakers. The findings demonstrate MLAs’ potential to attain accuracy rates of 84–87% for females and 95–97% for males, showcasing their applicability in deciphering the intricate tonal systems of Chokri. The proposed methodology can be extended to predict multi-class problems in diverse fields such as image processing, speech classification, medical diagnosis, computer vision, and social network analysis.

The need for incorporating a valid account of phonological universals into a general model, or metatheory, of phonological descriptions may be taken as self-evident. In the first place, such a treatment of universals significantly simplifies descriptions of the phonologies of particular languages, since the universals, once incorporated into the metatheory, need not be explicitly mentioned in each description. Even more important, the incorporation of universals into the metatheory constitutes-as Chomsky and other generative phonologists have often pointed out-a kind of 'explanation' of otherwise apparently idiosyncratic features of particular phonological systems. That is, those features of particular systems that reflect phonological universals are, by definition, predictable, and this predictability is automatically accounted for if such features are assigned not to the particular systems themselves but, rather, to a metatheoretic model that specifies the features of phonological systems in general.1 The present paper is concerned with a class of phonologlcal universals that has thus far apparently not been scrutinized by generative phonologists: universals having to do with assimilation. The paper will attempt to show that, as in other cases, the ineorporation of these universals into the general phonological model can simplify the description of particular phonological systems and can explain otherwise apparently idiosyncratic features of these systems. Evidence in support of these claims will be drawn primarily from the phonological system of the Akan language of Ghana.2

This study explores the phonological system in the Kempo subdialect (MSdK) and S>H Kolang subdialect (MSdS>H) in West Manggarai Regency. The study was conducted at nine survey sites by interviewing 200 vocabularies compiled by Swadesh. I analyzed the data by comparing the phonological systems between the two subdialects and formulating the possibilities of their occurrence in the word. The results show that the two subdialects have slightly different phonological systems. They have a different inventory of vowel phonemes: 15 consonant sounds in MSdK and 17 consonant sounds in MSdS>H. This study also found three non-pulmonic consonant phonemes in the two subdialects: bilabial /ɓ/, Alveolar /ɗ/, and Velar /ɠ/. In the case of the two subdialects, the non-pulmonic consonant phonemes have unique characteristics: (1) appearing in the initial and middle positions of words, making it impossible for three pulmonic consonants (i.e., consonants /b/, /d/, and /g /) to appear in the initial position. The existence of the three consonant phonemes only appears when at the beginning of the word, it is preceded by another consonant forming a cluster and located on the first syllable (i.e., /mb/, /nd/, and /ŋg/). The two subdialects also have a relatively similar inventory of vocal phonemes: 6 vowel phonemes. Diphthongs are almost identical between the two subdialects, 7 diphthongs which only appear in mono-syllable words and are located at the end of words. In contrast, two additional diphthongs in MSdS>H appear in two-syllable words and the middle position of the word.

A keyvowel approach to the synthesis of regional accents of English

The definition of orthoepy as “a branch of linguistics that studies pronunciation norms” tends to determine the understanding of its tasks as exclusively prescriptive, and that of orthoepy as a whole as an applied area, par excellence. Its other component, purely linguistic, is present in the problem of the correlation between the system and the norm, traditionally central to the school of Lev Shcherba. In essence, this problem is a particular case of the Saussurian “language — speech” dichotomy, which is the reason for regarding orthoepy as a purely linguistic discipline and for discerning two points of view on its object, those “from within” and “from without.” The latter implies a conscious attitude towards the choice, from several possibilities, of one unit as a normative or “correct” with the establishment of the systemic status of this unit. This point of view on language, which emerged almost simultaneously with the awareness of it as an inherently human capacity (Plato), is reflected both in the early evidence of “language prestige” (Catullus, Cicero) and in the works of “intuitive linguists,” either relying on a certain norm (Alexandrian grammarians) or creating it (English orthoepists). In turn, the norm is synonymous to speech, which exists at a given synchronic stage; it changes either as a result of the alternative possibilities offered by the system (language dynamics) or due to the transition of the system to another synchronic stage (linguistic change per se), cf. Ludmila Verbitskaya’s formulation in The Linguistic Encyclopedic Dictionary: “The phonological system of a language completely determines the pronunciation norm. The norm can change within the system provided new forms gradually replace the old ones under the influence of extralinguistic factors or as a result of changes that have taken place in the system.” In this context, the primary task of interpreters of early orthoepic evidence (first of all, historians of language) is to identify factors belonging to two fundamentally different spheres. Ignoring this circumstance in the research procedures, characteristic of (chronologically or ideologically) pre–Saussurian (pre–Baudouin de Courtenay) linguistics, leads to a confusion of factors, including systemic and extra–linguistic ones, and, moreover, of the fundamental notions, (diachronic) change and (synchronic) variation, which, among other things, is reflected in the idea of ‘recent changes’ in the system (in fact, in the norm) and in the popular notion of “language in the state of (constant) flux.” On the contrary, the consistent differentiation, in research procedures, of different factors interacting in the functioning of language system, and thus discerning between the two points of view on it, “from within” and “from without,” makes orthoepy an integral part of linguistics as a fundamental science of language, providing theoretical justification for its applied component, the latter’s goals having been formulated, for all times, as a maxime to “speak properly and correctly.” Refs 29.

ABSTRACTGenerative phonologists use contrastive minimal pairs to determine functional phonological units in a language. This technique has been extended for clinical purposes to derive phonemic inventories for children with phonological disorder, providing a qualitative analysis of a given child’s phonological system that is useful for assessment, treatment, and progress monitoring. In this study, we examine the single-word productions of 275 children with phonological disorder from the Learnability Project (Gierut, 2015b) to confirm the relationship between phonemic inventory – a measure of phonological knowledge – and consonant accuracy – a quantitative, relational measure that directly compares a child’s phonological productions to the target (i.e. adult-like) form. Further, we identify potential percentage accuracy cutoff scores that reliably classify sounds as in or out of a child’s phonemic inventory in speech-sound probes of varying length. Our findings indicate that the phonemic function of up to 90% of English consonants can be identified from percentage accuracy for preschool-age children with phonological disorder when a sufficiently large and thorough speech sample is used.

724 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 62, NUMBER 3 (1986) The central part ofthe introduction deals with the phonetics and phonology of Heinzenberg Sutsilvan (7-14), the nominal and verbal morphology (14-19), and the syntax (20, including the loan translations from German: e.g. sweyntar mia idéya, Ger. nach meiner Meinung ). Here the reader will find detailed information on this variety of rumantsch, which should be used as a supplement to earlier information (e.g. Th. Gartner's Rhaeto-Romance grammar, or foundational work by A. Decurtins and H. Stimm on verbal morphology). The detailed phonetic and phonological description is meticulously applied to the recorded texts (for words with falling diphthongs, e.g. [mear] 'better ', p. 8, 1 have also noted a pronunciation with intermediate semivowel, [meyar]). My own impression is that S&E have improved existing notation systems for Rhaeto-Romance in a way that can provide a model for subsequent research and publications. The introduction concludes with discussion of the Sutsilvan orthography (the principles of which are analysed on pp. 21-2), a list of symbols and abbreviations, and a select bibliography . The recorded texts (24-48) follow, covering a wide variety of themes: local festivities, family chronicles, games, theater, dancing, the preparation of cheese, pear-bread and sauerkraut , and more personal stories, such as travel records and youthful memories. But the most interesting texts for me are those (nos. 19-22) on the use of rumantsch (ramöntsch in Sutsilvan ) vs. German. For each text, the reader is given a phonetic transcription (middle column), the normalized version in Sutsilvan orthography (on the left), and a German translation (on the right). Moreover , the difficulties within each text are explained in footnotes. This fascicle is a brilliant example ofthe combination ofdescriptive accuracy, dialectological fieldwork, and folklore study. Moreover, it is a precious document for sociolinguistic research: the numerous lexical borrowings from German, the fluctuations within the verb morphology (19), and the simplification of the phonological system (13-14) indicate a precarious situation of the Rhaeto-Romance dialects of the Hinterrhein . We should therefore be grateful to S&E for providing us with the recorded (and precisely described) speech of a dying Rhaeto-Romance community. [P. Swiggers, Belgian National Science Foundation.] On the semantics of tense and aspect in Bulgarian. By Juoko Lindstedt. (Slavica Helsingiensia, 4.) Helsinki: Dept. of Slavic Languages, University of Helsinki, 1985. Pp. 319. FM 74.00. The Bulgarian verb, which shares with the Macedonian the distinction of having the most complicated system of grammatical categories in all Slavdom, has served as the focus ofmany dissertations and monographs. Although L has made extensive use of the previous literature, he also cites examples which he found himself (and which he has not referenced as adequately as those from the previous literature), and he has done his own fieldwork. His bibliography of over 200 entries shows thorough familiarity with Bulgarian and Soviet (but not Polish) scholarship , a good knowledge of West European sources, more references to American work than in many European studies of Bulgarian, and more Scandinavian references than are usually encountered. An interesting feature is the occasional comparison of Bulgarian with Finnish. As L states (13), in his introductory chapter, where he reviews various theoretical models of tense and aspect, he has focused on three oppositions : perfective vs. imperfective, aorist vs. imperfect, and the so-called 'perfect' vs. the aorist and imperfect together. In the two chapters which follow on BuI. tense and aspect respectively , comprising two-thirds ofthe text, L develops his theories and explanations within the context of a very traditional approach to BuI. grammar, viz. the nine 'tenses': present (e.g. 3sgxodi), imperfect (xodeSe), aorist (xodi), perfect (xodil e), pluperfect (beSe xodil), future (Ste xodi), future perfect (Ste e xodil), past future (SteSe da xodi), and past future perfect (SteSe da e xodil). Coming up against the great bugbear ofSlavic verbal morphology—the status oftheperfective/ imperfective opposition—L tries to dodge it by going in two directions at once: "The grammaticality ofaspect is shown by the strong tendency to form aspectual pairs, irrespective of whether the means of formation is called inflection or word formation; hence aspect is at least a paradigmatic category, if not inflectional' (154). L tries a...

V članku je prikazan fonološki opis govora vasi Jevšček pri Livku (Občina Kobarid, Slovenija) nadiškega narečja slovenščine, in sicer tako s sinhronega kot z diahronega gledišča. Opisnojezikoslovni vidik podaja nabor prvin samoglasniškega, soglasniškega in naglasnega sestava ter njihovo razvrstitev. Zgodovinskojezikoslovni pogled določa izvor posamezne prvine ter opisani fonološki sestav postavlja v širši slovenski in slovanski kontekst.

Traditional interpretations of the phoneme have viewed it either in terms of physical properties (Jones, 1944b), psychological reality (Sapir, 1933, cf. Jaeger, 1980), or function, typically to serve in opposition to other phonemes within a phonological system (Saussure, 1915, Trubetzkoy 1939, Penzl, 1971). More recently, some phonologists have questioned the value of phonemes to phonological description in a post-generative world (Goldsmith, 1999). I argue that Sapir and Trubetzkoy’s ideas about the psychological reality of phonemes and the role of contrastive oppositions in sound systems are as relevant as ever, a claim justified by research in phonetics, which has demonstrated the importance of perception in some types of phonological change (Ohala, 1993, cf. Kuhl, 1991 and Sendlmeier, 2000). This chapter considers four examples of phonological contrast and change that may have been rooted in perception. First, fortis/lenis and geminate/singleton contrasts may constitute phonological oppositions when their members are perceived as different (Lisker, 1957, cf. Penzl, 1974). Second, perceptual ambiguity may have played a role in the lack of affricates post-vocalically for old short stops in Old High German texts (Callender, 2017). Third, perception may be relevant to understanding the English Great Vowel Shift. Liberman (1995) argued that the GVS had no beginning, in that there was always some degree of allophonic variation in vowels. To extend his analysis, I argue that it is the perception of new vowels that may have triggered the shift. Finally, I suggest that perceptual salience may be responsible for the maintenance of /ai/ before voiceless consonants in southern US English, where it is often monophthongized in other phonological environments. As each of the changes discussed is rooted in the perception of new sounds, phonological oppositions and psychological reality remain relevant to our understanding of phonemes.

This chapter surveys the impact of language contact on phonological systems. The phonology of one language may influence that of another in several ways, including lexical borrowing, rule borrowing, Sprachbund features, and interlanguage effects. Illustrations of these phenomena are drawn from interactions between English and French, Hawaiian, and Japanese at different historical periods; from Quichean languages; from Slavic-influenced dialects of Albanian; from Dravidian influences on Sanskrit; and from South African English, among other examples. The evidence indicates that language contact may lead to various changes in phoneme inventory, phonotactics, and rule inventory, or to no change at all. Analyses of the data argue against the view that language contact invariably involves simplification but suggest that markedness is an important notion in accounting for certain features of interlanguages.

This chapter presents a detailed phonological analysis of Etulo, establishing its phonemic inventory by distinguishing between contrastive phonemes and their allophonic variants through minimal-/near-minimal pair evidence. The language is shown to employ three distinctive level tones (high, mid, low) with additional contour tones, which fulfil both lexical and grammatical roles. The vowel system comprises eight oral vowels (divided by ATR values) with allophonic nasalisation and lengthening; consonant inventory totals twenty-nine phonemes, including several labialized and palatalized segments. The syllable structure is predominantly open, though closed syllables with /n/ coda occur; phonotactic constraints limit consonant clusters largely to stop + liquid combinations or heterosyllabic NC (nasal-consonant) sequences. Phonological adaptation of loanwords is explored, particularly through vowel insertion to satisfy Etulo’s syllable and word-boundary constraints. Major phonological processes identified include glide formation (with /i, ɪ, u/ → /j, w/), partial ATR-based vowel harmony (restricted to root), assimilation (regressive), elision, vowel coalescence, and non-contrastive vowel lengthening. Tone phenomena such as tone polarity are also attested, with grammatical constructions sometimes triggering tone alterations. The analysis compares earlier proposals by Armstrong (1968), Adams (1975), Ezenwafor & Okoye (2009), and more recent work, highlighting both congruences and discrepancies, to arrive at a revised, empirically grounded description of Etulo’s phonological system.

This qualitative study is aimed at discovering the similarities of onomatope (not onomatopoeia) animal sounds between two unrelated languages, Indonesian and English. The investigation operates on phonological system with some goals to achieve; to describe how sounds of onomatope animal correspond, to explain why the two languages share similarities in their onomatope animal sounds. Â The data in this research are from Indonesian and English comics which are backed up by interviews with twenty-six informants consisting of eleven adults and fifteen children. The interviews are aimed at reinforcing the collected data and also disqualifying several lingual units which under suspicion of loan sound imitations. The research findings reveal that out of 22 (twenty-two) onomatope animal sounds gathered as the research data, there are only 15 (fifteen) sharing the same phoneme distribution after conducting sound correspondence. The phoneme distribution occurs mostly on onset position, the second is on coda position, and the least is on nucleus position. There are three factors which evoke the similarities or that can be called convergence. First , because of similarities in phoneme inventories. Second , because of similarities in phonotactic rules. Third , because of same sound symbolism which apply to both Indonesian and English.Â

In this work, we address structural, iconic and social dimensions of the emergence of phonological systems in two emerging sign languages. A comparative analysis is conducted of data from a village sign language (Central Taurus Sign Language; CTSL) and a community sign language (Nicaraguan Sign Language; NSL). Both languages are approximately 50 years old, but the sizes and social structures of their respective communities are quite different. We find important differences between the two languages’ handshape inventories. CTSL’s handshape inventory has changed more slowly than NSL’s across the same time period. In addition, while the inventories of the two languages are of similar size, handshape complexity is higher in NSL than in CTSL. This work provides an example of the unique and important perspective that emerging sign languages offer regarding long-standing questions about how phonological systems emerge.