‘A Culmination of Many Factors’: Opportunities, Arenas, and Challenges to Malaysia’s Dominant Regime

This paper studies the role of civil society in controlling corruption in public services in two developing countries: Russia and Iran. Research on the relationship between civil society and corruption control in these two countries is insufficient. Selecting Russia and Iran for comparison is based on similarities between them in terms of economic and political systems, and the developments of their civil societies. This paper compares the historical developments and the status of corruption and civil society in both countries; the efforts that civil society actors have made in battling corruption; and the state’s reaction to these attempts. This study covers a period of almost three decades from the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 to 2020. The findings of the study show that the civil societies in both countries have had limited impact on controlling corruption over the period. Although these findings do not support a prominent role for civil society in control of corruption in past, the author argues that, according to some evidence, there is a possibility of a stronger role for civil society in combatting corruption in both countries in the future.

The article considers a set of issues related to the formation of sustainability in the state at different levels of government: national, regional and local, with an emphasis on the sustainability of territorial communities. The concept of "sustainability" is defined, the criteria of sustainability for national security and its components at the local level are analyzed, in particular, in the formation of affluent communities. Sustainability is considered in various aspects: as a component of national security and defense of the state, in relation to the concepts of "cohesion" and "national security". Financial stability is justified as an important sign of the viability of local communities. The role of civil society in shaping the sustainability of communities is revealed, as well as different views of scientists on the impact of civil society on sustainability are analyzed. The foreign experience of implementation of the basic principles of sustainability in the life of communities is studied. The most important component of sustainability is the ability of the community to consolidate to counteract harmful and dangerous external and internal influences. Open partnership of public authorities with business structures and the public should be a prerequisite for this. It is proved that in the conditions of decentralization and various internal and external challenges, civil society (active citizens and civil society institutions) can and should be a driver of community sustainability. It is assumed that the implementation of state policy to promote the development of civil society should create a solid foundation of democracy in Ukraine as a component of national sustainability. Since the systemic mechanisms for ensuring national sustainability in the Ukrainian state at both national and local levels are not yet fully formed, the development and implementation of comprehensive strategic decisions in this area requires proper scientific substantiation, which is why the author’s contribution to this topic.

The impact of civil society on transitional justice is complex in part because civil society is composed of a multitude of actors, faith-based and secular, whose preferences for accountability and truth reflect their varying interests and beliefs about justice. Transnational faith-based and secular actors have played a central role in mobilizing support for liberal-legal strategies designed to hold perpetrators of mass atrocities accountable. Local faith-based actors have been resilient to pressure for conformity and have instead played a pivotal role in adapting international accountability norms and embedding them in local practices. Other locally rooted actors in civil society have rejected or adapted international strategies despite sharing an understanding of justice with international civil society actors. This article develops a framework for understanding the roles different civil society actors play in navigating and negotiating the boundary between international expectations for accountability and local practice. Its premise is that normative contestation over appropriate strategies for dealing with the past is robust, and that much of this contestation takes place through the work of civil society actors who translate global norms into local practice rather than through vigorous public debate.

People to People Solidarity:civil society and deep integration in southern Africa Chris Landsberg (bio) Introduction This paper is about regional integration and civil society in southern Africa. It does not deal with the size and scope of civil society, nor does it present an inventory or audit of the number, shape and size of Non-Government Organisations (NGOs), Community-based Organisations (CBOs) or other civil society actors in individual southern African countries. It is concerned with regional integration and the role of civil society in this process in southern Africa. It considers why civil society actors must seek to be involved in regional integration? The paper argues that the foundation of a strong Africa vis-à-vis the global economy will come from viable policies and strategies which favour regional integration, strong regional institutions, strong regional co-operation and integration that can move the continent towards greater degrees of regional integration and unification. This type of deep integration provides opportunities for civil society to do advocacy, monitoring, campaigning for regional integration, regional identity and regional free movement of people, trade integration and the like. But this presupposes that civil society is explicitly interested in regional integration and cohesion, and explicitly advances this. I specifically make the case for a model that involves information, sharing; consultation; collaboration; joint decision making; and empowerment. Information sharing serves to keep actors informed, provides transparency and builds legitimacy. Governments, and regional-integration organisations, have a responsibility to share information and decisions with the citizens of the region. Consultation refers to two-way flows of information, exchanges of views and perspectives, making inputs, garnering feedback and reactions, with governments and regional-integration entities retaining [End Page 40] the ultimate decision-making powers. Collaboration refers to joint activities where governments and regional-integration bodies invite public and civil society, stakeholders and actors to be involved in decision-making, but attempt to ensure that the views of those consulted are taken seriously. Joint decision making in turn refers to collaboration between governments and civil society actors where there is joint control over decisions made. But this presupposes that the knowledge and capacity of civil society are well developed so as to make inputs and help determine the agenda. Empowerment refers to the transfer of control of decision making, resources and skills to non-state actors to help determine policy agendas and processes. It also requires that governments and regional bodies become less skeptical and less cynical of civil society, and appreciate that they cannot govern alone, and need civil society as partners. Having conceptualised the potential framework for civil-society participation models, we conceptualise both regional integration and unification, and regional civil society. Asante defines 'integration' as 'combining parts in a whole' (Asante 1996). This presupposes a n important point, that those which should be integrated, and in need of integration, belong together.. Bourenane (1997) offers a more precise definition of 'regional integration': it is '…a voluntary pooling of resources for a common purpose by two or more sets of partners belonging to different states. The process aims to reinforce structural interdependencies of a technical and economic sort, with positive effects on economic welfare.' But this definition does not capture the essence of integration. Integration is transformatory, and calls for a radical approach to make one of what is split apart. Regional integration depends heavily on regional cohesion. It seeks societal integration within a region; it builds regional awareness and identity. It depends on regional inter-state co-operation and co-ordination, as well as inter-state civil society co-operation and co-ordination. But it should be understood that co-operation and co-ordination are not the same as integration and unification. It could be part of the process that will lead to regional integration and unification. So, proper regional integration should lead to 'the emergence of a cohesive and consolidated regional unit'(Hurrell 1995); one unit, one nation such as the idea of a regional southern African nation. Regional integration and cooperation is about states agreeing to live by common norms and values, deepening co-operation amongst themselves. Regional integration is deeper and more serious than this. It is about integrating [End Page 41] markets and...

The main challenge for a sustainability transition is to scale up successful solutions. Upscaling requires coalitions of public, private, and civil society actors who align their motivations. Pathways to upscaling may involve leveraging a dominant player's market power, integrating successful initiatives into public policy, or reinforcing government-led change with private efforts. Various actors agree to collaborate to take advantage of their complementary capabilities, e.g., government policies facilitate private action, market incentives reward progressive actors while government sanctions punish laggards, actors take up different tasks of the policy cycle, and large players absorb and disseminate pioneer efforts. To achieve durable impacts, the upscaling of solutions to reach sustainability must continually maintain a balance of incentives among key actors. We identify general lessons for successful upscaling that provide insights on the importance of motivating actors, designing collaborations for lasting success, and incorporating concerns of developing countries.

ABSTRACTThis article examines the evolving foreign policy roles of four sets of civil society actors – youth, women’s, labour and human rights groups – in Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia during the Arab Spring and beyond. Our findings demonstrate that civil society groups initially flourished in the Arab Spring, with the region’s average ‘civil society rights score’ registering positive increases in 2011 and 2012. The period of 2013 to 2018 witnessed a deterioration in this average score, as civil society faced an authoritarian backlash from illiberal (authoritarian) and liberal (democratic) North African regimes. An examination of individual civil society organisations further demonstrates a range of influence on foreign policy. Youth groups exert the least impact on North African foreign policies, despite high expectations associated with their central role in revolutionary protests and change associated with the Arab Spring. In contrast, women’s, labour and especially human rights organisations have played more influential if still limited foreign policy roles. Finally, the impact of civil society on foreign policy is strongly mediated by a country’s level of democracy. Only in Tunisia, which made a successful transition to democracy, have civil society organisations in the post-Arab Spring continuously enjoyed the freedoms to organise, protest and provide input into policy, including foreign policy.

Background In the pursuit of Universal Health Coverage (UHC), Community Action for Health (CAH) is considered a crucial strategy. CAH is when communities define healthcare priorities and monitor the effectiveness of health reforms. Globally, CAH has shown improved health literacy, population outcomes, strengthened health systems. In India, CAH has a long history, is integrated into the National Rural Health Mission and National Health Policy and yet, remains under-resourced and under-researched, posing challenges to both sustainability and scale-up. Promoting Community Action for Health- A Co-Produced, Technology-Enabled Platform to Achieve National Goals, or PATANG is a partnership between academic and civil society entities who have experience and interest in CAH. Methods We will employ a mixed-methods, realist-informed, co-production approach across multiple Indian states to 1) synthesise evidence on various CAH approaches, 2) coproduce a learning platform for knowledge sharing and network building, and 3) assess the platform's impact from the perspectives of civil society, community, and state actors. Under aim 1, we will conduct realist synthesis and critical discourse analysis to explore the contexts, mechanisms, costs and outcomes of CAH initiatives, supplemented by witness seminars and key informant interviews with state and civil society actors. Under aim 2, these insights will inform the co-production of the PATANG platform, comprising multilingual resources, tools, and exchanges that foster collaboration and knowledge-sharing between civil society, community and government actors across the country. Under aim 3, the platform will be evaluated using a mixed-methods, interrupted time series quasi-experimental design outcomes related to health literacy, service utilisation, empowerment, and community engagement. Conclusions PATANG aims to generate actionable insights on scalable CAH tools and practices, provide replicable frameworks, and strengthen collaboration between civil society and government actors. By bridging evidence gaps, PATANG will contribute to reinvigorating CAH as a critical lever for UHC and health equity in India.

It is important to include civil society in the purview of the sociology of professions because many professionals and professions interact not just with the state and the market but also with civil society actors. Moreover, members of professions engage in civic action and political activism not just as citizens or single professionals but also as the (founding or regular) members of their professional associations. They also establish think-tanks, research and counseling centres, consortia, and on occasion even citizen initiatives or social movements. Professional life can be explored more comprehensively when these professional interactions and activities are included in the analysis. The text provides a standard definition of professions, argues for considering professions’ role in civil society, defines civil society, and draws on US research on civic and political lawyering to buttress its arguments. Some examples from other professions are also offered.

Introduction The complexity of injury and the multi-sectoral nature of its prevention demands a whole-of-society approach. Engaging with civil society in a form of collaborative governance is central to this approach. Civil society, defined as neither state, nor market, nor family, includes organisations such as advocacy groups, charities, professional associations etc. This study looks at the role of civil society organisations in the implementation of child injury prevention interventions in Europe. Methods The method was built upon an existing approach, known as ’organigraphs’. Mintzberg and van der Heyden developed the approach to depict how organisations actually work. We further developed its practical application to explore how interventions in child safety are developed, implemented and monitored across the local, regional, national and EU levels. Professionals working in child safety in 25 European countries were asked to draw organigraphs for an intervention in one of four child injury domains: road, water, home safety or intentional injury prevention. The analysis focused on the action surrounding civil society actors, represented by the connectors leading to and from those actors. Results We received 44 organigraphs in total from 31 participants in 24 countries; nine for intentional injury prevention, nine for water safety, 12 for road safety and 14 for home safety. Civil society actors were present in the majority of Organigraphs and they played multiple and diverse roles including: ’advising’, ’funding’ and ’implementing’ child safety initiatives. Conclusions The role of civil society, described in this data set, appears to be relatively well-developed. Strong, functional and long-standing partnerships between civil society actors across policy sectors and government may lead to greater capacity to address the complexity of child injury. Key messages Effective child injury prevention requires multi-sectoral action to address its complexity. Stakeholders come from the public and private sector and from civil society. Greater engagement with civil society may represent an opportunity for countries and regions to improve their response to the challenges of injury prevention among children.

The 15th General Election was held on November 19, 2022. The warmth of the previous GE-15 (General Election 15) is still being talked about by many today. In the context of elections in Malaysia, the main factors that influence selected coalition parties based on communication strategy involving the manifesto agenda besides its effective visual strategy. The use of visuals is seen as a practical, easy, and fast medium of dissemination to influence audiences within the political party. This study aims to examine the meaning and ideology behind the visual representation of candidates involving Pakatan Harapan (PH), Barisan Nasional (BN), and Perikatan Nasional (PN). Visual Semiotics Theory by Kress and van Leuween (1996) was adapted to study visual characteristics and ideology. The results found PH, BN, and PN attach great importance to the implementation of the principle slogan and positive visual elements in the agenda of their party. As a result, PH emphasizes the principles of progress and integrity, BN emphasizes progress and well-being while PN is seen to emphasize the combination of the principles of PH and BN in their party, which are well-being, integrity, and progress. In this case, PN is seen as more critical and transparent based on a combination of slogan principles compared to PH and BN. Positive visual representations and interesting slogan principles are seen as effective alternatives for ideology dissemination to audiences throughout the election season.

Background: The civil society of different groups of actors, communities, and social formations, registered or unofficial, achieves responsibility and commitment in public life for the protection and promotion of values and common objectives for the good of society. Youth, women, and community representatives are the main actors in civil society that work to prevent and combat deviant phenomena in times of peace and especially during war, due to their influence and ability to promote social changes. Other interest groups, such as the media, law enforcement authorities, universities, researchers, and representatives of the academic world, as well as those involved in the private sector, can make important contributions to prevent wars and post-war events in crisis countries. The civil societies’ capacities in war and post-war countries can be strengthened by exchanging good practices for the programs of international institutions. Countries that have endured this situation, such as Kosova, Bosnja, Hercegovina, and Croatia, identify and support lesser known, reliable groups, creating networks and regional platforms for collaboration, and bringing professionals into contact with researchers and academics to gain results based on practical data and their implementation as soon as possible towards the countries in crisis. Methods: For this work, a combined methodology was used from the studies of self-accusation and victimisation to the fear of criminality: the method of legal analysis which is used to analyse the legal basis and current legislation that regulates strategies for the prevention of crimes, terrorism, and radicalism. The method of systemic analysis is used to study and analyse the position of legislation in the field and its position in the current legal system. The historical analysis method is used to explain the rates from the past and to compare the new rates with the historical ones. Finally, the researcher analysis method is used to explain the purpose and objectives of the study from the actual perspective of the survey and interview. Results and Conclusions: The paper is only the beginning of the research and analysis into the role of civil society in preventing and fighting extremism and terrorism that leads to harsh wars. The case studies and analysis will primarily encompass countries that have suffered from the following: the wars during 1990 to 1999 in the former Yugoslavia, the war in Syria, the unrest in Libya, and the current war in Ukraine. These will be part of the publication in the future. The main topics will cover the state of a country before, during, and after a war, the level and extreme inertia that led to terror and war, the consequences after conflicts, material and human trafficking, corruption and organised crime, humanitarian problems and refugees, and, finally, the role of civil society in this field, especially in light of human rights and freedom. Understanding the role of civil society in preventing, combating, and protecting human values is the first step in efforts towards national and comprehensive strategies to address the fear of horrific attacks from extremism and terrorism at war. This paper aims to provide good practices in the post-crisis country for crisis experiences, advance ideas and adequate methods of success, as well as give various suggestions and descriptions of their connection, describing the civil society that should follow, including educational programs, both preventive and rehabilitative with a positive impact on the community. It is important that civil society is given criteria, political issues, financial resources, and guidelines to succeed in its reasoning, and that its role appears as a reason to promote the adequate company in society. Prevention, combat, rehabilitation, and resocialisation programs in conflict and post-conflict countries, as a result of wars, are long-term and complex. Their success depends largely on the promotion of good practices and the sharing of lessons learned and resources in different contexts, both nationally and internationally. Through this work, we aim to contribute to this discourse by highlighting international organisations, such as the OSCE, UN, IOM, and the EU, and the role that civil society can and will play in making communities safer and more resilient to the challenges in the future, after wars end, as a result of extremism caused by wars in the 21st century.

The labels “civil society organization” (CSO) or “civil society actor” tend to have positive connotations in much of research and political debate. This is especially the case in the context of sustainable development, where civil society participation is frequently assumed to have a positive impact on sustainability-related policy outputs. This chapter argues that the generally positive perception of CSOs in sustainable development contexts is a function of the sectoral and/or utopian logics, which underlie most conceptualizations of civil society, and highlights the limitations of these logics. It postulates that an analytical and reflective perspective on CSOs requires their classification on the basis of a reconstructive analysis of interest representation with respect to a specific policy issue and cautions against too easily attributing certain normative values to so-called civil society actors and participation. The chapter supports this claim with an illustration of CSO participation in the German debate on extending the operating lifetime of nuclear power plants.

A few social media platforms have come to play a central role in civil society organizing, often functioning as organizing partners. But on whose terms? As organizing partners, commercial social media platforms shape the conditions under which civil society actors organize, also shaping organizational dynamics, visibility, and collective action. Far from being neutral partners, these platforms become battlegrounds where civil society actors and platform owners negotiate power, visibility, and control—differently affecting various forms of civil society actors and organizing. Therefore, we need to move beyond the notion of platforms as mere organizing agents to critically examine the opportunities and constraints they create for different civil society actors, as well as how different civil society actors navigate these. This requires considering both exogenous, contextual elements, and endogenous, actor-centered elements of civil society organizing. Doing so allows us to examine how organizing efforts emerge not simply on social media platforms but with them, requiring constant negotiation with platform logics. The collection of articles in this special issue shows how social media platforms enable civil society organizing, but also how platform-driven asymmetries emerge and play out differently according to the different features that characterize the civil society organizations at stake.

Tunisian Exceptionalism:The Role of Civil Society in Tunisia's Transition Ayfer Erdoğan (bio) Introduction Even under authoritarian rule and despite several limitations, Tunisian civil society formed a counterweight to the state power by making up a sphere of civilian activity beyond the state. Unlike many other countries in the region, the authoritarian leaders in Tunisia allowed and even publicly encouraged the growth of some forms of civil society which were not disentangled from the liberal economic development strategy adopted by Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Tunisia was one of the first countries to disengage from "Arab socialism" and it pursued a liberal development strategy, creating a strong private sector and the cultural norms of entrepreneurship and individuality.1 Rather than repressing civil society entirely, Ali pursued a selective liberalization policy and adopted state-monopolized civil society framework, which enabled him to advocate for economic development and, at the same time, get rid of the pluralist effects and democratizing consequences of civil society.2 [End Page 67] Hence, civil society organizations mainly located in the capital Tunis and coastal cities, such as Sfax and Sousse, operated within the restrictions posed by the Ben Ali regime. Civil society could not reach its full potential, yet, in parallel to the state-monopolized civil society, there existed an informal activist network that grew underground. During Ben Ali's rule, the Tunisian public was actively involved in "formal and informal modes of resistance" through unions, social media, youth movements, and grassroots.3 Both formal and informal networks of civil society have generated a culture of dissent that created the basis for resistance against Ben Ali. In the case of post-revolution Tunisia, the new constitution and legitimate political institutions came into existence thanks to the involvement of a group of civil society actors including activists, unions, and non-governmental and women's organizations. In each phase of the transition, civil society groups have struggled to maintain the democratic nature of the transition. When political tensions arose, civil society actors mediated among different political groups and initiated a broad national dialogue. The inclusive and consensual manner in which the constitutional drafting took place owes a lot to Tunisia's strong civil society with its monitoring the draft laws and engaging with members of the assembly to reflect people's demands. Up to the present, civil society has maintained its role in checking on the government's policies and organizing protests and sit-ins when they are not in line with the objectives of the revolution. This article first analyzes the historical evolution of the Tunisian General Labor Union (Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail–UGTT), a primary actor of the uprisings that took place against the regime since the country's independence. Second, it continues with an analysis of the critical role played by civil society and unions during the Jasmine Revolution and the turbulent transition of Tunisia. Finally, it investigates civil society's role in the constitutional drafting process and the implementation of policies in the sphere of politics, economy, and transitional justice. The Historical Evolution of the Labor Movement Tunisia has an organized labor movement as embodied by the UGTT since 1946, and it has been unique in terms of its history, political influence, and social dimension in the MENA region. Throughout Tunisian history, the UGTT's sphere of influence was much larger than an average trade union, which simply advocates for workers' rights and demands. Farhat [End Page 68] Hached, the founder of the UGTT, learned about union activism in the French communist-leaning union, Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), where he had been a member for fifteen years before he founded the union in Tunisia. He resigned from the CGT due to its lack of support for Tunisians' struggle to gain independence from France, which clearly indicated that the UGTT has been more than a labor union from its inception.4 Besides, the labor movement has been rather independent compared to other labor movements in the region, as it does not owe its existence and origin to the state. Rather, the class of "formally free" wage earners and their introduction to trade union activism can...

GENERATING MOMENTUM TOWARDS COMMUNITY ROLES IN UNIVERSAL HEALTH COVERAGE: KEY OUTCOMES OF A SERIES OF STATE-CIVIL SOCIETY CONSULTATIVE PROCESSES