A Comparative Examination of Homicides Perpetrated by Far-Right Extremists

Цель: to analyze the far-right extremism’s anti- government ideology as an external threat to law enforcement officers. Methods: dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena, using the general and specific research methods based on it. Results: The relationship between far-right extremism and law enforcement in the United States has a long and complicated history. In 2020, this relationship was on display as both far-right extremists and law enforcement agencies were brought into the national spotlight for their roles in multiple unprecedented events. This research discusses how far-right extremism’s anti- government ideology represents an external threat to law enforcement officers. This threat is discussed through the presentation of 30-years of data on law enforcement officers killed in the line-of-duty by far-right extremists from the Extremist Crime Database. In addition, the research also examines law enforcement’s implicit and explicit support for far-right extremism, which creates an internal threat against the legitimacy of the profession. Finally, policy initiatives that come from, and build upon, prior research are discussed to reduce these threats.Scientific novelty: for the first time, the work substantiates that far-right extremists threaten the safety of law enforcement officers in the United States. Antigovernment extremists, who do not believe that they are subject to the laws of the jurisdiction where they live, pose the risk of escalating to violent acts when encountering law enforcement when they engage in both ideologically motivated and routine criminal activity. In addition, law enforcement agencies who hire far-right extremists face the very real prospect of becoming illegitimate in the eyes of the communities to whom they are sworn to serve and protect. Decades of criminological research has shown that lack of trust in law enforcement makes the job of policing a community more difficult and more dangerous. Although multiple paths forward were outlined that build on prior research and empirical knowledge, only decisive action by law enforcement and policymakers will result in outcomes that reduce the risk of external violent victimization to police and protect law enforcement agencies from being delegitimized by the presence of far-right extremists within their ranks.Practical significance: the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering issues related to the prevention, suppression and investigation of extremist crimes.The article was first published in English language by Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Hosting by Scholastica. For more information please contact: CCJLS@WesternCriminology.org.For original publication: Parkin, W. S., Mills, C. E., Gruenewald, J. (2021). Far-Right Extremism’s Threat to Police Safety and the Organizational Legitimacy of Law Enforcement in the United States, Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society, 2021, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 1–24. Publication URL: https://ccjls.scholasticahq.com/article/26321-far-right-extremism-s-threat-to-police-safety-and-the-organizational-legitimacy-of-law-enforcement-in-the-united-states

Far-right violent extremism is the most pressing form of domestic violent extremism (DVE) facing the United States. While there is a consensus that far-right violent extremism poses a genuine risk to the United States, the relevance of women within far-right violent extremism remains understated and under-researched. The misinformed perceptions about women and their propensities for violence must be acknowledged and rectified to ensure a proper analysis of the state of far-right violent extremism in the United States. The far-right social media platform Gab has been utilized to explore underlying conceptions about women in far-right extremism as well as fill the gap in the perceptions about women’s roles in extremism and violent extremism that are currently held by practitioners. A stronger commitment to the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, a framework that reconceptualizes women within discourses about security, promises to rectify the widely held misconceptions about women’s involvement in far-right violent extremism. By reviewing the conceptual shortcomings of those tasked with protecting against far-right violent extremism, the larger goal of securing the United States and beyond can be realized.

The Kids Are Alt-Right: How Media and the Law Enable White Supremacist Groups to Recruit and Radicalize Emotionally Vulnerable Individuals

In this three-volume set, an international team of experts involved in the research, management, and mitigation of hate-motivated violence examines and explains hate crimes in the United States and around the globe, drawing comparisons between countries as well as between hate crimes overall and domestic terrorism. The Psychology of Hate Crimes as Domestic Terrorism: U.S. and Global Issuestakes a hard look at hate crimes both domestically and internationally, enabling readers to see similarities and disparities as well as to make the connections between hate crimes and domestic terrorism. The entries in this three-volume set discuss subjects such as the psychology and motivation in hate crimes, the cultural norms that shape tolerance of outgroups or tolerance of hate, and the fact that hate crimes are a pervasive form of domestic terrorism, as well as myriad issues of proliferation, public policy, policing, law and punishment, and prevention. The set opens with an introduction that discusses hate crime research and examines issues of identification of the bias element of hate crimes via empirical and case vignettes. The subsequent chapters discuss subjects such as the socio-demographic profiles of hate crime offenders; hate crime legislation and policy in the United States; the effects of hate crime on their victims as well as society; the incidence of hate crime in specific regions, such as Europe, the Middle East, and South America; and programs and therapeutic interventions to heal victims. Readers will also learn how specific educational approaches in communities, schools, and universities can be implemented to help prevent future escalation of hate-motivated violence.

In this three-volume set, an international team of experts involved in the research, management, and mitigation of hate-motivated violence examines and explains hate crimes in the United States and around the globe, drawing comparisons between countries as well as between hate crimes overall and domestic terrorism. The Psychology of Hate Crimes as Domestic Terrorism: U.S. and Global Issuestakes a hard look at hate crimes both domestically and internationally, enabling readers to see similarities and disparities as well as to make the connections between hate crimes and domestic terrorism. The entries in this three-volume set discuss subjects such as the psychology and motivation in hate crimes, the cultural norms that shape tolerance of outgroups or tolerance of hate, and the fact that hate crimes are a pervasive form of domestic terrorism, as well as myriad issues of proliferation, public policy, policing, law and punishment, and prevention. The set opens with an introduction that discusses hate crime research and examines issues of identification of the bias element of hate crimes via empirical and case vignettes. The subsequent chapters discuss subjects such as the socio-demographic profiles of hate crime offenders; hate crime legislation and policy in the United States; the effects of hate crime on their victims as well as society; the incidence of hate crime in specific regions, such as Europe, the Middle East, and South America; and programs and therapeutic interventions to heal victims. Readers will also learn how specific educational approaches in communities, schools, and universities can be implemented to help prevent future escalation of hate-motivated violence.

In this three-volume set, an international team of experts involved in the research, management, and mitigation of hate-motivated violence examines and explains hate crimes in the United States and around the globe, drawing comparisons between countries as well as between hate crimes overall and domestic terrorism. The Psychology of Hate Crimes as Domestic Terrorism: U.S. and Global Issuestakes a hard look at hate crimes both domestically and internationally, enabling readers to see similarities and disparities as well as to make the connections between hate crimes and domestic terrorism. The entries in this three-volume set discuss subjects such as the psychology and motivation in hate crimes, the cultural norms that shape tolerance of outgroups or tolerance of hate, and the fact that hate crimes are a pervasive form of domestic terrorism, as well as myriad issues of proliferation, public policy, policing, law and punishment, and prevention. The set opens with an introduction that discusses hate crime research and examines issues of identification of the bias element of hate crimes via empirical and case vignettes. The subsequent chapters discuss subjects such as the socio-demographic profiles of hate crime offenders; hate crime legislation and policy in the United States; the effects of hate crime on their victims as well as society; the incidence of hate crime in specific regions, such as Europe, the Middle East, and South America; and programs and therapeutic interventions to heal victims. Readers will also learn how specific educational approaches in communities, schools, and universities can be implemented to help prevent future escalation of hate-motivated violence.

National Security and Domestic Terrorism: The US Case

The Pleasure and Pain of Passing as (Dis)abled: Rudi Dutschke’s Exile in the United Kingdom (1968–1971) and the Ableism of the West German Student Movement

PurposeThe paper aims to provide a critical review of how variations in the conceptualization and contextualization of hate crime across US cities might impact how their individual law enforcement agencies collect hate crime data. Media reports and political discourses present hate crime as a prevalent problem in the USA. However, this representation of hate crime in the public sphere is not reflected in the relatively low national numbers of hate crimes published annually by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.Design/methodology/approachDrawing primarily on the national hate crime data for the period 2008–2018, this author conducted a secondary research study of the concept, context, extent and law enforcement collection of hate crime data in five cities in the USA.FindingsThis paper is a product of some of the findings of the study, which include the definition of hate crime at the federal, state and city levels and the contextualization of hate crimes at these levels. The findings show inconsistencies in how the five cities and associated law enforcement agencies conceptualize hate crime and in how they collect and report hate crime data at local and national levels.Originality/valueThrough its analysis of how five US cities and the associated law enforcement agencies interpret and respond to hate crime data collection, with recommendations of best practices for hate crime data collection by law enforcement agencies, the paper contributes to the academic and nonacademic debate on hate crime.

This paper examines the reliability of the methods used to capture homicide events committed by far-right extremists in a number of open source terrorism data sources. Although the number of research studies that use open source data to examine terrorism has grown dramatically in the last 10 years, there has yet to be a study that examines issues related to selectivity bias. After reviewing limitations of existing terrorism studies and the major sources of data on terrorism and violent extremist criminal activity, we compare the estimates of these homicide events from 10 sources used to create the United States Extremist Crime Database (ECDB). We document incidents that sources either incorrectly exclude or include based upon their inclusion criteria. We use a “catchment-re-catchment” analysis and find that the inclusion of additional sources result in decreasing numbers of target events not identified in previous sources and a steadily increasing number of events that were identified in any of the previous data sources. This finding indicates that collectively the sources are approaching capturing the universe of eligible events. Next, we assess the effects of procedural differences on these estimates. We find considerable variation in the number of events captured by sources. Sources include some events that are contrary to their inclusion criteria and exclude others that meet their criteria. Importantly, though, the attributes of victim, suspect, and incident characteristics are generally similar across data source. This finding supports the notion that scholars using open-source data are using data that is representative of the larger universe they are interested in. The implications for terrorism and open source research are discussed.

ABSTRACTThis research uses quantitative analyses to determine whether or not conviction outcomes differ across three major American domestic terrorism groups: ecoterrorists, left-wing extremists, and right-wing extremists. Findings suggest that ecoterrorists receive lighter treatment within the criminal justice system while controlling for important variables, such as gender, age, and count severity. Findings highlight differences between “home-grown” terrorist groups, departing from a large segment of terrorism research focused on domestic versus international comparisons or terrorist versus civilian comparisons. Results elicit new research questions to understand why domestic terrorists receive differential treatment within the criminal justice system, despite controlling for key variables.

Recent literature has described a rise in the activity of right-wing extremists in the United States. Several studies have examined this phenomenon in relation to the actions of President Trump. Comparatively, little research has examined the impact of the Obama presidency on right-wing extremism despite a peak in the number of right-wing extremist groups during his second term. Using a power-threat framework, this study examines the unique effects of the presidential candidacies and elections of Obama and Trump on the frequency of attacks committed by right-wing extremists in the U.S. as documented in the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) modeling is applied to monthly counts (n = 151) of 141 domestic terrorist attacks committed by right-wing extremists that occurred in the U.S. between June 3, 2006, and December 31, 2018. Consistent with the political threat hypothesis, our findings indicate that the re-election of President Obama was associated with a gradual, permanent increase in the frequency of attacks by right-wing extremists. Yet, none of the intervention components associated with his first candidacy or election were associated with statistically significant changes in right-wing terrorist attacks. In contrast, and in accordance with the emboldenment hypothesis, all intervention components associated with the candidacy and election of Donald Trump predicted permanent increases in the frequency of attacks-and most were abrupt in nature. In view of these findings, political leaders on the left and right must anticipate the ability of their rhetoric and behavior to both alienate and embolden extremist groups and individuals, particularly within the far-right. As our findings demonstrate, failure to do so risks contributing to increased activity among far-right extremists as a product of either political threat or emboldenment.


 
 
 Since the beginning of Donald Trump’s campaign for the United States’ presidency, the international community has arguably seen a significant uptick in hate-motivated right-wing extremist (RWE) violence. While this is not the first time that sentiments such as racism, anti- Semitism, and misogyny have gained widespread popularity, it could be argued that the means through which these ideas are being communicated and the ways in which they are being expressed have transformed. One aspect that has not changed is the presence of hate crime in the locations where RWE actors or sentiments are prevalent. These hate crimes can cause fear in the communities that are being targeted by RWE messengers, thereby disrupting community harmony and public safety as a whole.
 
 

This chapter includes background information about our three-year study on right-wing extremism (RWE) in Canada. The chapter consists of three core sections: (1) defining the radical right; (2) analytical framework; and (3) methodologies. First, we include a section on how we define RWE in Canada, comparing our definition with the ways in which how national and international scholars and practitioners have defined it. We suggest that RWE in Canada is a loose movement, animated by a racially, ethnically and sexually defined nationalism. This nationalism is typically framed in terms of white power and is grounded in xenophobic and exclusionary understandings of the perceived threats posed by such groups as non-whites, Jews, immigrants, homosexuals and feminists. Second, we provide a detailed description of how we understand RWE in Canada. We will draw upon, among other theoretical approaches, Donald Black’s (2004) conceptualization of terrorism as social control, placing emphasis on the organizational characteristics that simultaneously strengthen and limit the sustainability of RWE groups, as well as contextual factors that shape group cohesion. We will posit that the following factors are key to understanding how and whether hate groups endure: Heightened saliency/immediacy of the perceived grievance, as is evident from the intensity of the rhetoric of the hate group; Presence and visibility of the target group(s); Heightened organizational capacity of the hate group; Historical or contemporary patterns of mainstream racism, xenophobia or ethnocentrism; and Identifiable resistance to racism, xenophobia or ethnocentrism (e.g. law enforcement activity, human rights activity, etc.). Third, we provide a detailed description and rationale of our research methods: website analysis, court records and media scans, as well as interviews with law enforcement and intelligence communities, community activists and hate group activists.

From ‘11th September’ to ‘the coronavirus pandemic’, public security has been subject to a rapid process of change: the separation of internal and external security is being eroded, and police and criminal law are being Europeanised and internationalised. The concepts of ‘security states’, ‘friend and foe law’ and ‘a state of emergency’ are endangering freedom. In addition to the threat posed by Islamism, right-wing extremism, which has been increasing for years, has turned into neo-Nazi terrorism. Our allegedly strong democracy is proving to be both brittle and yet, at the same time, necessary for an open (immigrant) society, and security agencies are not unimpeachable. The 3rd redesigned and expanded edition of this book addresses the following points, with special references to political theory and rulings by the Federal Constitutional Court: Security and freedom in a ‘state of emergency’ Security and an open society New security and ‘friend and foe law’ Security, immigration and democracy Terrorism (Right-wing) extremism and bans on political parties Europeanisation of security Out-of-area deployment of the German military and in police situations Internationalisation of criminal justice