A Cognitive-Structural Sociological Account of the Emergence of Novel Worlds

This paper proposes a cognitive sociological account of the emergence of social worlds that organize the expectations of producers and audiences. The proposed model considers the emergence process in three stages. The first stage concerns the arrival of distinctive clusters of objects and their producers. The second involves the conceptualization of the labeled clusters within high-energy social structures that we call scenes. The final stage occurs if and when the concept at the center of the scene becomes generally taken for granted. The first part of the paper develops an ontology for analyzing these processes. The second part analyzes the role of social structure in these stages and defines the emergence process in terms of hazards, the event rates of each stage, which can be modeled in empirical analysis. The proposed account can explain the emergence of worlds in a variety of social contexts, including organizational forms in markets, genres in creative industries, disciplines in science, and forms of social protest.

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The article presents materials of the semantic reconstruction of ideas of various forms of social protest among young people of two age groups based on the materials of an empirical study conducted in 2020. In the course of the study representatives of two socio-demographic groups of youth from Vladivostok (Primorsky Territory) were interviewed: higher education students aged 18–24 and young adults aged 25–30. The carried out semantic reconstruction allowed to formulate the structural and content characteristics of the young people ideas about the five significant forms of the collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and rebellion. The semantic connections of the protest forms with the existential and political values of the young people were revealed. The study also succeeded in reconstructing the emotional component of the protest phenomena ideas. The category structure of the semantic space of ideas about the forms of protest has been determined. Common categories identified on the basis of associations include “values and goals”, “subjects”, “emotions”, “characteristics of a phenomenon”, “protest”, and “cultural and historical connotations”. The general categories of protest assessment, according to the semantic differential (SD), include “iintellectuality and honesty”, “hypocrisy and self-interest (honesty)”, “peace – aggressiveness”, “strength”. These categories, identified on the material of associations, in comparison with the categories of thinking obtained using factor analysis of the semantic differential data, allow to reconstruct both rational and unconscious levels of ideas about protest. Comparative analysis of ideas about different forms of protest demonstrates that on an emotional level a rally is the closest to youth. On a rational level, the petition is also positively assessed, while the youth of both groups are dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of this form in practice. Young people do not associate radical forms of protest (riot and rebellion) with values and goals significant to them. At the affective level, they are perceived mostly negatively. In general, the identified categories allow to reconstruct the structure of the organization of the subjective experience of perceiving different forms of political and social protest in two age groups of young people. The data obtained in this study can be useful for further study of protest moods, used by state authorities and political parties in practical work.

Enthusiasm, the Creative Industry and the 'Creative Tropical City: Mapping Darwin’s Creative Industries' Project

To Brunswick and Beyond: A Geography of Creative and Social Participation for Marginalised Youth

Similar to many creative (and other) industries, the film and television industries have for long been permeated by male norms, and by the male worker as the norm. In this context, women workers have always been considered "oddities" – unless they have acted in front of the camera. To a large extent, women have been (and still are) image (Fischer, 1976; Mulvey, 1975). Women's work behind the camera have been counteracted, not least through efforts to exclude them from positions characterized as "creative" or "above-the-line" such as director, producer, and script writer. Further, women have been met with pervading difficulties in allocating finances for their projects and with circumscribed possibilities to have their work screened in the cinema. And although (a few) women are key through their function as "image," films with a woman protagonist are usually provided with a lesser budget than films with a male lead, and women actors get distinctly less paid than their male counterparts (SFI, 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/natalierobehmed/2017/08/22/full-list-the-worlds-highest-paid-actors-and-actresses-2017/?sh=2e1c961f3751). Let us give an example of the former: in the Swedish film industry, recently hailed worldwide of being one of the most gender equal screening industries, feature films made between 2013 and 2016 differed in terms of budget depending on the whether the protagonist in a film was male or female. Films with a male lead had on average a 33% higher budget than films with a woman lead. In that same period, women feature film directors had on average a budget ranging between 66% and 86% of the budget of films with a man as director (SFI, 2018). The report published in 2018, by the Swedish Film Institute, concluded that: "[films with women in] key functions generally have overall lower budgets than men" (SFI, 2018, p. 17). Following the international impact that the #Metoo-movement has had and still has, and the recent demands for a 50/50 dispersion between men and women on above-the-line positions in the film industry, gender issues have advanced to the forefront in discussions dealing with the working situation in the film and screen industries. These discussions have appeared in various national contexts in print and social media, as well as in academic work (see, e.g., Jansson et al., 2020; Liddy, 2020; Marghitu, 2018; Meziani & Cabantous, 2020; O'Brien, 2019). It has become obvious that gender inequality pervades all screen industries, large and small, and that women screen workers in different national screen contexts share similar experiences. As film and television production is becoming more and more globalized, with single productions often being the outcome a variety of regional and national industries, finances and competences, working and gendered experiences of being in the industry are also becoming increasingly globalized. Still, there are regional and local differences in how women screen workers experience their work and career situation and these need to be addressed. There are also various aspects of screen work that remain to be tended to academically. Hence, this special section offers a sample of national and local studies that all investigate how gender and equality work is done in four different contexts. It is our hope that this small sample may inspire not only more studies of national contexts, but also inspire to future cross-national studies. Before discussing how various academic fields have engaged with the screening industries in terms of work experience and representation, we wish to point out that film and television, as two available media formats reaching large and heterogeneous audiences, constitute two of the most central expressions of our time, and that both contribute to reflect and mold our understanding of society, of others – and of ourselves (de Lauretis, 1987; Dyer, 1993). Questions about who is allowed to make film and TV and what messages and images are presented and conveyed are thus politically important and imperative. The long-standing male dominance in the industry, together with the realization that images do matter, has sparked an interest in studying gender in the screen industries. The gender conditions in the film industry have attracted scholarly attention across the variety of disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities, and this special section is a vivid example of this cross-disciplinary scholarship. Three specific, but interrelated fields stand out when it comes to the study of gendered work and inequalities in these industries: production studies, management and life work studies, and studies of women's presence and conditions in screen work. In management studies and work life research, the early 2000s saw an increased interest in focusing and exploring the working conditions in the screening industries, alongside the growing interest for working experiences in what often referred to as the creative industries (see, e.g., Blair, 2001; Delmestri et al., 2005; Ebbers & Wijnberg, 2009; French, 2020; Jones & Pringle, 2015; Meziani & Cabantous, 2020; Soila-Wadman, 2003; Sörensen & Villadsen, 2014). This strand has also included a certain focus on how film can be used as a tool for instruction on how to exert leadership (see, e.g., Bell & Sinclair, 2016). Parallel to this development is the emergence of production studies, emanating from film and television studies. This field explores film and media as cultural practices of media production, and it does so from a variety of perspectives and with various methods. Of particular pertinence here is the sub-field of feminist production studies. This field engages in studying how "routines and rituals […], the economic and political forces […] shape roles, technologies, and the distribution of resources according to cultural and demographic differences" (Mayer et al., 2009, p. 4) in order to understand how "power operates locally through media production to reproduce social hierarchies and inequalities at the level of daily interaction" (Mayer, 2009, p. 15). One of the field's most important contributions here is the critique of the "auteurist" view that films are the "voice" of one single artist, most often the director. Instead, they argue that films are the result of collective work. Departing from this insight, production studies scholars have noted the importance of studying the work that is carried out in the margins, to question the differentiation between "creative" and "craft" professions in film making, and to pay attention to the work done "below-the-line" by workers in the film industry who are seldom credited, but without whose work films would not be produced (see, e.g., Banks, 2009, 2018; Banks et al., 2016; Mayer, 2009, 2011; Mayer et al., 2009). Alongside these two areas of research, there is a third, and more recent, strand that is dedicated to studying women's presence, analyzing policy measures targeting gender (in)equality along with studying impediments to gender equality in the film industry and women's conditions in a male dominated screening industry. This strand of research comes out of feminist media studies as a rather broad field, encompassing both the humanities and the social sciences. While research in both management studies and productions studies constitute important foundations for any research conducted on gender and screen work, for this special section, it is this third strand that is of most relevance, taken that it embraces and explores both local and the global aspects of women's conditions in the male dominated screening industries. Let us therefore shortly present this strand a bit more – and the issues it has raised – in order to give a contextualization of this special section and its four articles. Studies of women's presence in the film industry have mapped the number of women behind the camera, sometimes also including an intersectional analysis and identified gendered budget-gaps and other impediments to gender equality (Cobb, 2020; Lauzen, 2019; Liddy, 2020; Smith et al., 2013). Much of this research is conducted in the United States, discussing the conditions in a film industry that is exclusively driven by private, and most often commercial, stakeholders. In other commercially focused film centers such as Bollywood in India and Nollywood in Nigeria, women behind the screen are reported to be few and the representation of women on screen stereotypical (Mukherjee, 2018; Prakash, 2020; Ukata, 2020). In other contexts, such as Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada, where there is public support for film production, gender equality is often proclaimed to be a goal. For instance, the Council of Europe (2017) declared its dedication to gender equality in film production in the so-called Sarajevo-declaration, and according to a mapping carried out by the European Audiovisual Observatory in 2019, 15 EU countries have introduced gender equality measures (EAO, 2019, p. 16). In a recent anthology collecting evidence from a number of countries, media scholar Susan Liddy concludes that while demands for gender equality has been voiced by women in all contexts, public funding institutions range from those being "gender blind… to those who theoretically commit to equality but prevaricate on the best measures to implement change to others who have introduced formal gender policies and intervention strategies" (Liddy, 2020, p. 2). Scholars have pointed to several problems with gender equality policies and reforms in the film sector: they are often vague and without a plan for implementation (Thorsen, 2020), they only reach those who are involved in projects actually funded by public means (Cobb & Williams, 2020), and they lack intersectional intention and reach (Cobb & Williams, 2020; Thorsen, 2020). Further, when reforms are implemented, problems arise because making films include a range of different stakeholders and parties, which are out of reach of government policies (Jansson, 2016), and because the film industry is entrenched with institutionalized norms and values that is difficult to change and which tend to reduce the effects of policies (Jansson, 2017; Jansson & Wallenberg, 2020). Scholars investigating women's conditions in the film industry have for a long time indicated that the way the industry is organized both formally and informally benefits white men. The sexual division of labor in the organization is manifested in women being found on positions such as script supervisors, costume designers, and make-up artists, as well as in various below-the-line positions. Many below-the-line professions are dominated by men, and the female dominated positions such as the ones mentioned above, tend to have lower status (Banks, 2009). Scholars have also noted differences in status among above-the-line professions. For instance, while male directors and scriptwriters are considered to be able to "carry" a movie, women directors and scriptwriters are not considered to do so (Bielby & Bielby, 1996, Eikhof and Cole in this issue). The trope of the male genius has been discussed as a hindrance to gender equality in several studies (see, e.g., Lantz, 2007; Marghitu, 2018; Regev, 2016; Schatz, 1988; and by Jansson et al. in this special section). Studies have also looked into how other features of the way the film industry is organized affects gender and concluded that the outcome of networking differs substantially to the favor of men (Grugulis & Stoyanova, 2012). Moreover, mothering duties limits women's possibilities in an industry where long days and extremely intense periods of work away from home are considered to be the normal procedure (Liddy, 2017; Liddy & O'Brien, 2021; O'Brien, 2015, 2019; Wing-Fai et al., 2015; Wreyford, 2013). Considering all these past (and recent) studies, there is no doubt that the screening industries – as production sites and as workplaces – are of definite interest to scholars within different disciplines. This special section aims at addressing some of the issues that recent scholarship has touched upon and tried to tackle, and it does so from four different national and cultural contexts. At the center of all four articles included in the section is the analysis of women's conditions in the screening industries, including their experiences of working and trying to get by – and of how these industries continue to foster the notion of women film workers as "oddities" in an industry that continues to uphold the idea of the genius as male. Let us now turn to the four articles included in this special section. In our first article, "The price of motherhood in the Irish film and television industries," media scholars Susan Liddy and Anne O'Brien discuss the continuous problems that surround motherhood and screen work, finding in their material evidence that there is a systemic bias against mothers, not only as women, but also as women and mothers, and that mothers have internalized the marginalization that comes from their maternal status. They have also found that many mothers adapted ways that would help them to sustain their working lives, but they were rarely supported in those adaptations by the screen production industry. In "'Almost a European, but not quite': Experiences of Female Employees in the Lithuanian Film Industry from the Postcolonial Point of View," authors Lina Kaminskaite and Jelena Salaj discuss how the women filmmakers experience their conditions in a film industry that is still marked by the transformation of Lithuania from being part of the Soviet union to becoming a country which is a member of the EU. They argue that the Lithuanian film industry is characterized by being in a postcolonial state. While the opening up of Lithuania has meant new possibilities for women film workers, it has also presented difficulties and the negotiation of new identities and new mode of film production. Doris Ruth Eikhof and Amanda Cole focus on how women are considered a risk in film production and how this leads to precarious conditions for women in the industry. In their article named, "On the basis of risk: Screen directors and gender inequality," they use the intersectional risk theory to understand how gender inequality is related to risk management practices in the screen industry. Studying two specific gender equality initiatives in the Canadian film industry, they show how risk management is gendered, and they argue that risk plays an important part in decision making in the industry. By understanding how risk is gendered, they argue, it is possible to change the processes that decides how risk is understood. The last article included in this special section departs from the much-debated aspect of film production, namely the final saying over a film's final format. In "The Final Cut," authors Maria Jansson, Frantzeska Papadopoulou, Ingrid Stigsdotter, and Louise Wallenberg discuss how the relationship between film director and producer serve to reproduce gendered relations that position the male creator and producer as norm – even in contexts where both director and producer are women. Departing from a series of interviews made with mostly women working in these two professions, the authors show how these two above-the-line professions are still governed by the malestream and that they tend to be constructed in relation to masculinity. Clearly, even in a country like Sweden, often hailed for its equality work, the gender equality measures that are undertaken are not sufficient to come to grips with gender inequalities and the male norm. Taken together the four articles shed light on different aspects of the film industry. The evidence provided from the different countries indicate that there are many similarities in the challenges that women in the film industry face. However, there are also differences depending on context. The article about Lithuania shows the importance of situating the film industry in a historical and political context. O'Brian and Liddy show in their article, the importance of understanding the specific context of how child care and the welfare state play out in order to capture women's conditions in film and television work. Eikhof and Cole's article demonstrates the necessity of applying an intersectional approach in order to also see differences in conditions between women, even if they work in the same industry and the same country. The article on Sweden, finally, looks deeper into how specific gender equality policies targeting the film industry plays out, and what problems remain, after having been implemented for almost 20 years. We believe that this special section is one step toward a deeper understanding of how gender shapes the working conditions in the film industry, and hope that it will inspire further research that takes a wider, more inclusive and possibly also more comparative grip on women screen worker's experiences and work conditions. This work was supported by the Riksbankens Jubileumsfond under Grant no. P17-0079:1. No conflict of interest has been declared by the authors. The authors confirm that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article and/or its supplementary materials.

In Russian history and culture, various kinds of protests and uprisings have always played an important role. One can recall periodical civilian riots and uprisings in the Russian Empire; the revolution of 1917 that changed the world history. Political processes in a country have often been a pendulum swinging between extremes such as passive loyalty and riot. In recent years, a relative stability of society and power has been achieved, the foundations of which are sometimes referred to as a social contract. However, the beginning of protest in Russian society is increasingly shows itself. The publication presents materials of semantic reconstruction of ideas about various forms of social protest among Russian youth. The study made it possible to reconstruct structural and informatory characteristics of young people's ideas about five significant forms of collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and uprising. Comparative analysis shows that the closest form of protest to young people is such a form of protest as a rally, such a form as a petition is also positively assessed. Young people don’t associate radical forms of protest, such as riot and uprising, with values and goals that are meaningful to them.

L’une des promesses que deploie la doxa de la ville creative tient au benefice metropolitain du maillage entre art, industrie et technoscience. Cependant, les rares travaux empiriques existants tendent a montrer que l’articulation productive entre les mondes de la creation artistique et ceux des industries culturelles, creatives et technoscientifiques, si elle existe a l’occasion de projets ponctuels, demeure tenue voire difficilement identifiable. Dans le cadre de cet article, nous nous proposons a partir de l’exemple lyonnais de depasser la presomption selon laquelle la seule contiguite a l’echelle metropolitaine d’activites de creation, de recherche et de developpement industriel suffit a provoquer les interrelations (entre structures et entres individus) fondatrices des processus d’innovation recherches. Procedant d’une demarche resolument inductive, l’article s’organise autour de trois entrees : la premiere retrace la sociogenese du milieu de la creation numerique dans la metropole lyonnaise, de ses balbutiements jusqu’a son institutionnalisation artistique ; la deuxieme s’attache a decrire, depuis les coulisses, la praxis des arts numeriques et l’organisation sociale de ce milieu relationnel ; la derniere explore les modalites de son encastrement au sein d’une scene culturelle metropolitaine etroitement liee au mouvement faire et a la transition numerique en cours, nous invitant in fine a discuter le concept de ville creative.

Purpose –This research aims to explore social learning aspects of entrepreneurial learning within the creative industries. The creative industries produce customised products, where creative entrepreneurs co-create goods according to the customer’s preferences. The entrepreneurial learning literature includes empirical and theoretical studies from different industry sectors. However, little attention is evident in the entrepreneurship research from the creative industries. The limited literature on entrepreneurial learning in the creative industries indicates that creative industries entrepreneurs rarely pursue formal education to enhance their skills and knowledge. Instead, their business learning is deeply rooted in the social, cultural, and economic contexts of the real world in which they are situated. These brief findings demand an in-depth exploration of entrepreneurial learning processes and sources within the creative industries context. Design/methodology/approach – This empirical study is based on qualitative research, employing in-depth case studies of creative industries entrepreneurs. The data was collected through semi-structured interviews with women entrepreneurs who work as designers in the creative industries. To analyze the data, a cross-case comparison was conducted, along with the use of grounded theory techniques. Findings – The findings highlight that entrepreneurial learning is a dynamic process where the interaction of personal and social experiences of entrepreneurs during their entrepreneurial journey is of utmost importance. This learning process involves activities such as observing, practices, doing, trial and error, and constant interaction with the entrepreneurial community. Furthermore, understanding the learning process relies largely on the contextual environment. Creative industries’ entrepreneurs employ the variety of sources for learning, out of which personal networks (family, friends, etc.) and technological resources (internet, software) are vital. Social media also plays a significant role in their learning process, as it serves as a valuable source of information and learning. Implications – The study improves our understanding of how women entrepreneurs engage in entrepreneurial learning within a specific industry and social context. Furthermore, the research identifies the challenges that are critical to address through entrepreneurship education and support organizations – that cater to community entrepreneurs. Originality/value – The literature has acknowledged the strong influence of cultural and social context on women entrepreneurs, particularly in developing countries. This research contributes to the limited body of knowledge on entrepreneurial learning among women creative entrepreneurs by exploring the interplay between personal and social learning experiences along with multiple contextual forces.

Creative industries topic is closely related to the art markets in a variety of mediation forms. Traditional business entrepreneurship is risk-related activities implementing innovations in markets, and generating economic growth. The creative industry area has plenty of innovation, but its acceptance is more complex because of the cultural world’s participants’ agreements. Cultural world has its own social organization, associated with the mediation (including entrepreneurship) types. The article examines the concept of entrepreneurship in the traditional business and creative industries and types of innovation and mediation (including entrepreneurship). The conclusion is that types of intermediary in creative industries depend on the cultural world’s social organization, and forms of mediation are more heterogeneous than in the traditional business.

The animation industry is an important part of China’s cultural and creative industries. In fact, it is the leading cultural and creative industry in China. However, there is insufficient research on the audience’s views in China’s animation industry, which has become an important research gap. Thus, an integrated approach of FAHP and GRA is proposed in this study, to analyse and evaluate the key selection factors for the Chinese animation industry from the perspective of a Chinese audience. In this research, in both FAHP and GRA models, factors such as visual appealing character, interesting performance of character animation, and easy-to-understand storyline are prioritised conditions for the selection of Chinese animation from the perspective of Chinese audiences. The main contribution of this research is to underscore the value of the hybrid MCDM model to aid Chinese animation companies in aligning their productions with audience expectations and making informed decisions. Finally, this study offers a systematic and objective model for Chinese animation selection, providing practical insights that can be applied in the industry and can serve as a valuable reference for future research in similar domains.

An empirical study is devoted to the psychosemantic analysis of young people’s attitudes towards political protests in the city of Vladivostok, Russia. The relevance of this topic is due to the constant change of social structure, consciousnessб and the uneven dynamics of social protests in Russia during 2010-2020, especially among young people and residents of large cities. The study is based on an associative experiment to find out the reaction on words-stimuli such as rallies, uprisings, petitions, riots that are considered to be forms of political protest. The sample consisted of 130 young people aged from 18 to 30. As a result of the data obtained, young people aged from 18-24 turned out to have fewer ideas about petitions and riots than about rallies, uprisings, and strikes, while showing a higher level of emotional involvement in these forms of protest. They need to express their opinion and be heard. They tend to react negatively to sanctions from law enforcement authorities during protests. The lack of direct and stable communication with the authorities, the inability to convey their position to the government generates aggression, fueling the desire for resistance. Young people aged from 25-30 have a historical memory of political protests in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, as well as of major rallies in recent history, and their associations are often reflected in perceptions of different forms of protest. These young people value the presence of a leader of the political protest, its organization, and legality.

Introduction There are currently 295 cities designated as members of the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Creative Cities Network, an initiative launched in 2004 (Hanoi Department of Culture and Sports). These cities are expected to “work together towards a common objective: placing creativity and cultural industries at the heart of their development plans at the local level and cooperating actively at the international level” (UNESCO “Creative”). More specifically, one of the aims of the Creative Cities Network is to “develop hubs of creativity and innovation and broaden opportunities for creators and professionals in the cultural sector” (UNESCO Creative Cities Network). This UNESCO initiative emerged soon after Richard Florida’s influential “creative city thesis”. Florida’s thesis encourages the implementation of socio-economic development policies and physical design plans—by entire cities or specific urban areas—that attract and draw from the creative and art sectors, and especially the ‘creative class’. Focusing on the North American and European contexts, Florida credits the creative sector, rather than industry, for generating the economic growth that transformed post-industrial cities. Seeking to replicate this same growth in non-Western contexts, international consultancy firms and organizations—including UNESCO—have advised governments and municipalities around the world to follow this approach to foster creative activities. Despite a number of academic critiques of Florida’s ideas (e.g. Borén and Young; Gibson and Klocker; Peck; Scott), the creative city thesis is now “going global”, and influencing many policy-makers and politicians in Asia (Landry 100). This is not to say, however, that exciting movements were not already underway in such locales, driven by local enthusiasts. Yet the degree to which governments are taking these ideas on board has certainly shifted (see Ren for an excellent discussion of such synergies in Beijing and Berlin). Over the last two decades, large cities across the region have witnessed the rapid emergence of so-called creative hubs and districts (Hee et al.; Huabcharoen and Ellsmore; Kong). To date, studies on such spaces in Asia have largely analysed their role within the circulation and adoption of creative city policies by national or local governments (e.g., Kong; Lin and Chiu; Yeoh). This scholarship has pointed to the ways by which the development of urban creative spaces is advanced as a strategy to brand cities, increase their cultural production, and encourage economic development (e.g., O’Connor and Gu; Ooi and Lai; Yeoh). At the same time, the implementation of such policies is also linked to negative externalities and tensions regarding gentrification, censorship, commodification, and social exclusion (e.g., Currier; Hee et al.; Lin and Chiu; Luger). Within this context, Vietnam’s capital city Hanoi has witnessed the establishment of a number of small-scale sites devoted to creative activities since the mid- to late 1980s (fig. 1). Locally known as ‘creative spaces’ (không gian sáng tạo), these locales share a number of key characteristics with creative hubs researched elsewhere (see Gill et al.; Virani). Notably, Hanoi’s creative spaces are assembly points for a range of creative activities and people. Also, as is common elsewhere, they operate as local nodes in their respective creative communities, while supporting their affiliates and participants through mutual social support, and knowledge and information exchange (Pratt; Virani). To date, however, there has been relatively little academic research into Hanoi’s creative hubs (or those elsewhere in Vietnam), their motives for becoming established, and the emerging relationship between these hubs and the Vietnamese government’s newly adopted creative city policy for the capital (but see commissioned reports by Truong the Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs, and Gasparin and Quinn on creative organisations in Vietnam). Our aim in this brief feature article is thus two-fold. First, we investigate the growth of independent creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their founders’ motivations for establishing the hubs, and how the hubs are meeting local creative demands. Second, we consider the possible tensions and conflicts emerging between the visions of these creative hub operators and users, compared to those of the Vietnamese state, with regard to what the city’s creative hubs should represent. We suggest that the state is now strongly influenced by Hanoi’s membership within UNESCO’s Creative City Network since 2019. To inform our analysis, between 2019 and 2021 we conducted an in-depth investigation of 10 creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their missions, activities, founders, and users. By drawing on two preliminary reports on the city’s hubs prepared for the British Council (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs), we selected our case studies to include different artistic orientations, length of time operating, and physical size. We included eight small, unifunctional spaces, and two large, multifunctional complexes, all of which began operations between 2009 and 2017. The hubs all engage in—or previously engaged in—non-mainstream cultural practices, including contemporary and experimental art. Given some of the hubs’ politically sensitive practices and discourses, we do not name them here. In the summer of 2019, while employed as a university research assistant, the third author, Celia Zuberec, completed semi-structured interviews with hub founders and operators (n=21), tenants (n=21), and users (n=36). These interview schedules were designed by the first and second authors, Sarah Turner and Danielle Labbé. We also interviewed three representatives from Vietnam’s central state ministries and two representatives from international organisations involved in Hanoi’s arts community. Additionally, Labbé and Nguyen N. Binh attended a number of meetings between creative hubs and representatives from the Vietnamese government and international organisations, including Nguyen being an observer at a high-level meeting with the National Assembly’s Committee on Culture, Education, Youths, Teenagers and Children (Ủy ban Văn hóa, Giáo dục, Thanh niên, Thiếu niên và Nhi đồng) in 2019. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the organisation and development visions of ‘creative industries’ in the city. Fig. 1: A small-scale creative hub in Hanoi. (Photo credit: Zuberec.) Note: the use of images from specific creative hubs does not mean that we completed interviews at these sites. To maintain confidentiality we visited a broader range to take photographs and complete observations. Emergence of Creative Hubs in Hanoi Since the mid-1950s, an affiliation with the Vietnamese state was a non-negotiable requirement for the establishment of any form of organisation in the country. Citizen-led groups or associations with no connection to the state were effectively banned unless given explicit authorisation to operate. Cultural activities were restricted to state-managed associations and venues, with the government being the only provider of cultural training institutions, and sponsor of art works. By maintaining tight control over cultural production, the government worked to limit the circulation of ‘subversive’ content and ideas, and uphold and legitimate its authority (Healey). With the onset of Đổi Mới (‘economic renovation’) in the mid-1980s, and following a rare moment of self-scrutiny when the government acknowledged its grip on the cultural sector had been “undemocratic, authoritarian and overbearing”, this situation began to change (ibid. 121). The government’s acknowledgement came with promises of new creative freedoms and signalled a relative scaling back of its control over society (Kerkvliet “Introduction”; Wells-Dang). Thereafter, new possibilities opened up for Vietnamese citizens to form autonomous groups, paving the way for the emergence of creative hubs in urban locales such as Hanoi. As this policy shift came into play, artists began to carve out their own scene in Hanoi. Supported by curators, collectors, and gallery operators, individuals started engaging more freely with artistic practices, media, and ideas, leading to the growth and diversification of the Vietnamese arts scene. Concurrently, other exhibitions and performances were held clandestinely in home-studios in order to operate away from the state’s gaze and its remaining censorship policies (Taylor). Driven by the impetus to “break from the establishment”, such private studios lay the groundwork for the city’s first accessible, non-government affiliated independent art spaces (Taylor and Corey 110). International cultural centres and foreign embassies also played a key role in the establishment of the city’s first creative hubs, by drawing on their social, political, and financial capital to support such endeavours (Nualart; Taylor). From the 2010s onwards, such spaces began to multiply rapidly, with a four-fold increase in the number of creative hubs operating in Hanoi between 2014 and 2018, a rise from 22 to 81 (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs). While the first creative hubs were mostly fine arts-oriented, they have since become more diverse, showcasing various contemporary, experimental and, to a lesser degree, traditional art forms. Broadly, these spaces can now be grouped into two distinct organisational structures, differentiated by their size and diversity of activity. The first model typically operates from a large multi-story, multi-room building, and brings together a diverse mix of artistic and commercial activities. Tenants rent or own spaces in such complexes, transforming them to fit their needs as studios, galleries, performance spaces, cafes, bars, and shops. This model—which aligns closely with the literature’s accepted definition of

The article provides a philosophical-cultural reflection on the phenomenon of creative industries in the context of contemporary socio-cultural reality. The relevance of the study is due to the increasing role of creative industries in the processes of socio-cultural development, alongside the dominance of economic and managerial interpretations that inadequately account for their meaning-generating and cultural-ontological specificity, reducing the analysis primarily to functional, economic, and technical parameters. The subject of the research is creative industries as a form of institutional organization of cultural production and communication. The goal of the research is to identify their philosophical-cultural content and to justify the interpretation of creative industries as a cultural infrastructure of meaning generation. In this context, meaning is neither a subjective intention nor a predetermined significance but arises in the dynamics of institutional, media, and interpretative practices. The methodological foundation of the study consists of post-industrial concepts of society, the integration of structuralist, phenomenological, and hermeneutic approaches, supplemented by communicative and network analysis. As a result of this methodological synthesis, it becomes possible to philosophically comprehend creative industries as a space where meaning is not only produced but also structured, experienced, and interpreted in institutionally stable forms. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the transition from understanding creative industries as a sector of the economy to their philosophical interpretation as cultural infrastructure for the production, transmission, and stabilization of symbolic forms and meanings. Creative industries are presented as the infrastructure of meaning generation, functioning within the multi-tiered structure of contemporary culture. The article analyzes the concepts of "cultural industries" and "creative industries," their semantic mobility, and contextual variability. As a result, it is shown that creative industries represent a heterogeneous space of cultural practices and institutional forms, within which creativity acts as a procedural mechanism of meaning formation. It is established that the contradictions inherent in creative industries are structural in nature and serve as internal conditions for their functioning and development. Russian features of the development of creative industries and priority directions of several regional cultural programs are highlighted. In the context of contemporary culture, the processes of meaning formation increasingly acquire an infrastructural character and are one of the key mechanisms for reproducing the modern socio-cultural order. Considering creative industries as the infrastructure of meaning generation allows for the analysis of how meanings are formed, disseminated, stabilized, and lost in contemporary culture.

<em>Currently Shanghai Songjiang District has achieved initial success in nurturing and developing the relevant social organizations around the overall objective to accelerate the development of cultural industry. But there still exist many problems, for example, organizations are immature, function is not significant, the management system is not perfect and so on. Analyzing the basic characteristics and key points of the development of Shanghai Songjiang District’s social organizations for cultural and creative industries, we should put forward the corresponding countermeasures and suggestions, which will help to promote the construction of modern social organization system and the urban cultural soft power.</em>