8 Biblical Quotations in Judaeo-Greek Inscriptions

According to this chapter, despite Dantiscus' great interest in the work of Campensis, one could ask if it is worth inquiring at all into the influence of biblical texts on his Latin writings. This output consists mainly of correspondence, occasional poems and religious hymns, plus a few speeches and diplomatic memoranda. The main aim is to study all surviving Latin texts by Dantiscus for their biblical quotations. This would help answer questions regarding the rules according to which Dantiscus used different types of quotation - especially questions as to the material context of the quotations and any dependence on the person of the addressee. Another objective is to study the relationships between these texts and different Latin versions of the Bible, from the Vulgate, through Erasmus' translation of the New Testament, to the translations and paraphrases of excerpts from the Old Testament especially the Book of Psalms. Keywords:Campensis; Dantiscus; Latin texts; Old Testament; Vulgate

This article looks at the history of collecting early Christian inscriptions from Rome and its relationship to the study and presentation of classical epigraphy. The epigraphic collection gathered by Marco Antonio Boldetti at the church of S. Maria, in Trastevere exemplifies the increasing visibility of Christian inscriptions both in academic writing and in the actual walls of churches around the city. Yet, the motivations for collecting and the mechanisms for displaying the early Christian inscriptions were fundamentally conditioned by their perceived value not only as historical documents, but also religious objects.

Jewish influence on some of the Christians from late antiquity can be detected on material objects like inscriptions. Amongst Christian inscriptions there are also allusions from the Psalms. In Jewish inscriptions there are several quotes from Deuteronomy. A section from this chapter focuses on cases taken from Asia Minor, where lines from the Psalms are cited. The first example from Christianity comes from Antioch on the border of Pisidia. The text was amongst the previously unpublished inscriptions in the note books of William Ramsay. The second Christian inscription to be treated comes from the southern edge of Anazarbus in ancient Cilicia. Petitions for help alluding to or quoting from the Psalms were used on rock faces, lintels of churches' entrances, in churches, amulets, bracelets, and funerary inscriptions, making the Psalms the book from the Old and New Testament most used in Christian inscriptions. Keywords:Anazarbus; Antioch; Christian; inscription; Jewish; Psalms

This paper studies the first Chinese publication on the Jesus story, Tianzhu jiangsheng yanxing jilue (A Brief Record of the Words and Deeds of the Incarnation, henceforth: Jilue), published by Giulio Aleni (1582-1649) in 1635. In the preface of Jilue, Aleni clearly states that the book is a ”translation and narration” (Yi-Shu 譯述) of the content of the Four Gospels in the Bible rather than a translation of the Bible itself. Around a decade ago, a milestone in the study of Jilue was N. Standaert's discovery that Jilue was a translation of the abridged edition of Ludolphus de Saxonia's Vita Christi (1474). After re-reading in detail Jilue and the Bible, however, the present author finds that almost all the 165 stories of Jesus' life recorded in Jilue have their roots in the biblical texts. This article first clarifies the complicated connection among the three books by re-examining the texts of Aleni's Jilue, the Bible, and Ludolphus' Vita Christi. Secondly, it studies the narrative strategy of transforming and transmitting the Latin Incarnation narrative to Chinese readers and audiences by comparing the narrative structures of both Ludolphus' and Aleni's work with the help of biblical narrative study methodology. This paper concludes that Aleni did not translate the whole abridged version of Vita Christi; rather, he treated it as simply the biblical foundation of his own text. Aleni selected and made use of the biblical quotations in Vita Christi to reconstruct his Jesus story in Jilue. With personal interpretation, the story of the Incarnation was then presented not as a ”biblical canon” but as a ”Western history.” Two diagrams of parabolic movements representing the narrative structures of the two books are formulated in this paper to demonstrate how the other-worldly oriented narrative in Vita Christi was revised in Jilue as a this-worldly one. In a sixstep symbolic process where the unspeakable and untranslatable transcendence is transmitted to the readers and the audiences of a foreign country, Aleni's Jilue was actually a retelling of the Incarnation in the new context of the late Ming.

The Doctrine of the Hert: A Critical Edition with Introduction and Commentary and A Companion to “The Doctrine of the Hert”: The Middle English Translation and Its Latin and European Contexts

Ukrainian attitudes towards the holy scriptures, and the ways in which they were quoted and referred to, indicate the specificity of the Ukrainian intellectual culture and the range of freedom that this culture set as a frame for its own development. The Bible quotations used in the selected 17th century texts in Old Ukrainian (prosta mova) and Church Slavonic show that the scriptures were treated by Ukrainian religious intellectuals as the most authoritative source for legitimizing new ideas and concepts which were adopted from the texts of non-Orthodox authors and were to be integrated in the Orthodox theological discourse. At the same time, the authors did not feel excessive reverence towards any of the printed versions of holy scriptures and admitted independent translations (from Latin, Church Slavonic, Polish) as well as the possibility of specifying meanings. What is most significant was the comparison of different codices of the scriptures in search of the one they considered most favorable for their goals. It is worth emphasizing that the Church Slavonic translation of the Bible served as one of the possible versions and not as a sacred literary canon. If needed it was quite acceptable to translate the holy scriptures into the Old Ukrainian literary language, based on vernacular practice and easily understood by ordinary lay believers.

In this article I intend to highlight the fact that ancient Christian inscriptions can help us just as much as the biblical and patristic evidence in revealing undeniable proof of the practice of baptism of babies and newborns respectively in the first centuries of the primary Church.We can find inscriptions that can be identified as being Christian since the end of the second century but it is only starting with the third century that the number of dated inscriptions became significant.Almost all early Christian inscriptions are epitaphs.After having presented some generalities about catacombs and the way that Christians were buried in the second and third centuries, I have translated from Latin and from Greek a series of inscriptions and I have annotated on them.The oldest epitaphs stand out due to their precision and their simplicity.Starting with the end of the second century the number of epitaphs has increased.It is a wellknown fact that the Holy Sacrament of Baptism, the entrance and initiation in Christianity has been regarded as a mystery whose significance was not to be revealed to pagans or catechumens.Christians would not reveal the Holy Sacraments to those who hadn't been baptised in order for them not to be desecrated.For this reason, certain formulae have been used to make what was written on those inscriptions intelligible only to those initiated into Christianity.Thus, Christian symbols such as the fish that reminds us of Jesus, the anchor for hope, the dove as a symbol of the Holy Spirit and pure soul, the XP monogram, which was very popular in the fourth century, for Christ are to be noticed.The duration of life was engraved, years, months, days and sometimes information about Roman consuls who were leaders during those times.By reading them, we notice that the first Christians did not draw attention upon themselves and their achievements but upon God, upon the faith in Jesus Christ, and upon the hope for eternal life, heavenly peace, prayer for those who had been called by God and so on, this fact revealing their spiritual preoccupations and the fact that their most valuable possession was their faith in God and the prospect of life in Heaven.

This chapter focuses on a small group of twelve fourteenth- and fifteenth-century manuscripts containing Old and New Testament books in the Italian vernacular and therefore presumably addressed to a public of Latin illiterate or partially literate lay men and women. This analysis traces the influence of the Paris Bible on vernacular Bibles, and questions its extent. Only three witnesses reveal a consistent use of the modern chapter division: the New Testament now in Venice that can be connected to the Austin friars in Ferrara, the gospels kept in Florence and the Gospels at Siena - the latter two related to a Franciscan milieu. Key to the analysis of the impact of the Paris Bible on sermon production in Italy is the question of sources. The chapter examines the place of Paris Bibles in sermons through two interrelated questions. Keywords:fifteenth century; New Testament; Paris Bible; Vernacular Bibles

The first translations of the New Testament into the Russian language, which were carried out at the beginning of the 19th century, are usually regarded as a missionary project. But the language of these translations may prove that they were addressed to a rather narrow audience. As is known, the Russian Bible Society established in 1812 began its activities not with translations into Russian but with the mass edition of the Church Slavonic text of the Bible. In other words, it was the Church Slavonic Bible that was initially taken as the “Russian” Bible. Such a perception correlated with the sociolinguistic situation of that period, when, among the literate country and town dwellers, people learned grammar according to practices dating back to Medieval Rus’, which meant learning by heart the Church Slavonic alphabet, the Book of Hours, and the Book of Psalms; these readers were in the majority, and they could understand the Church Slavonic Bible much better than they could a Russian-language version. That is why the main audience for the “Russian” Bible was the educated classes who read the Bible in European languages, not in Russian. The numbers of targeted readers for the Russian-language translation of the Bible were significantly lower than those for the Church Slavonic version. The ideas of the “language innovators” (who favored using Russian as a basis for a new national language) thus appeared to be closer to the approach taken by the Bible translators than the ideas of “the upholders of the archaic tradition” (who favored using the vocabulary and forms of Church Slavonic as their basis). The language into which the New Testament was translated moved ahead of the literary standard of that period, and that was one of the reasons why the work on the translation of the Bible into the Russian language was halted.

The history of translations of the Holy Scripture and liturgical texts into the Ossetic language has not yet become a subject of systematic study, although the formation of the national intelligentsia is closely connected with this process, as well as the development of standards of the literary language. The aim of this paper is to study the historical context in which the Book of Psalms was translated and published in 1848, becoming the first complete Bible book in Ossetic, as well as to determine its significance in the history of Ossetian literature. Analysis of documentary materials (such as letters of the translator Grigory Mzhedlov, reviews written by Academician Anders Sjögren) and comparison of the published translation with the Hebrew original and other versions give a clue to the principles of translator’s work. An attempt is made to analyze advantages and drawbacks of the translation, as well as the level of its reception and its influence on the further activities of Ossetian national intelligentsia. The translation of the Books of Psalms is considered to be an important step as the first experience in the practical implementation of language norms recorded in the classical grammar of Anders Sjögren, which laid the foundation for the scientific study and teaching of Ossetic language; but the Book of Psalms became obsolete very quickly — due to the appearance of the first generation of the Ossetian intelligentsia and the beginning of systematic collective work on creating the corpus of Church books in Ossetic. Nevertheless, the influence of the 1848 translation can be clearly seen in further Ossetic church translations and should not be underestimated. The study of the development of the literary Ossetic language, the formation of religious terminology is impossible without a serious study of translations of the 19th century, including the earliest of them — the Book of Psalms translated by Grigory Mzhedlov.

This chapter deals with Psalms 1-41 and 42-89 respectively. It presents a general outline of the canto design of all the poems from the book of Psalms. The chapter presents general outline of the most fundamental aspects of the design of the biblical psalms. The numbering of the psalms is followed by a formalized presentation in the second and third columns denoting the number of verselines of the cantos and strophes, and as the case may be, the canticles and sub-cantos. The most impressive regularity on macrostructural level is to be found in psalms which exclusively consist of an unbroken series of exactly regular cantos. The small 'irregularities' on macrostructural level of some psalms described in the preceding paragraph strongly suggest that the Hebrew poets had some freedom to vary the length of their cantos within one and the same composition.Keywords: biblical Hebrew poetry; book of Psalms; canticles; canto design; verselines

This paper examines some Biblical quotations found in the preface to Archprest of Hita’s Libro de buen amor (fourteenth century). This short prose text is transmitted in an early fifteenth-century codex unicus: Salamanca, Univ. Library, 2663. As for critical issues, I argue that redis (Ps 61, 13) and equs (Ps 31, 9) should not be corrected to read reddes and equus, as has been customary among almost all editors. Besides, in Ecclo 15, 1 the manuscript does not read Dominum, but Deum, which should be kept as well. On the contrary, illi (Ps 21, 31), viam (Ps 118, 30), probably also juxta (Ps 61, 13), as well as the restoration of Job 14, 1 are right conjectures. After or within quotations in Latin, the Tironian et should be transcribed as et, not e[t]. As for literary matters, certain Biblical quotations allow us to identify new Latin sources which were used by the Archprest, including Hildebert of Lavardin († 1133) and Bernard of Clairvaux († 1153). They also suggest that at least certain Biblical verses were not directly quoted by the Archprest from the Vulgate: he rather borrowed them from Patristic and Medieval Latin authors. This indirect procedure clarifies the striking confusion between the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus: the error was probably inherited from an intermediate source.

SCRIPTURE NOTES TO LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL Fred Somkin Abraham Lincoln directly quoted two Bible verses in his Second Inaugural Address. In 1968, Ernest Lee Tuveson charged that both verses were misquoted and that one had been inaccurately ascribed to the Old Testament when it more properly belonged to the New.1 Tuveson's attempt to rewrite Lincoln was part of an effort to prove that the millennialist tradition in American nationalism was specifically based on the pouring out of the vials in the Book of Revelation and not on the Old Testament prophecies of Daniel. Although his observations on the second inaugural were patently wrong, they drew little notice, and the book in which they appeared has sincebeen reprinted without change.2 As the point of the address was to give meaning to the sacrifices of the war by placing them in a biblical context, any challenge to the integrity of the emoted verses casts a cloud over a supreme piece of American iconography that ought to be unequivocally dispelled. ooooooooooooo I. Lincoln says: "W7oe unto the world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense eommeth!" Tuveson comments: "The utterances of Abraham Lincoln, as is well known, are permeated by the language of the King James Version. . . . The quotation 'Woe unto the world . . . 'is, of course, slightly changed from Matthew 18:7, Jesus' sermon on the Kingdom of Heaven." However, it is apparent that Lincoln was emoting accurately from Matthew 18:7 in the KingJames Version. There is a variation of this saying in 1 Ernest Lee Tuveson, Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America's Millennial Role (Chicago and London, 1968), pp. 206-7. 2 The present writer called attention to this point in the Wisconsin Magazine of History 52 (Winter, 1968-69): 186. Redeemer Nation was reissued as a paperback in 1974. Civil War History, Vol. XXVII, No. 2Copyright © 1981 by The Kent State University Press 0009-8078/81/2701-0005 $01.00/0 THE SECOND INAUGURAL173 Luke 17:1 ("Then said he unto the disciples, It is impossible but that offenses will come: but woe unto him, through whom they come!"). II. Lincoln concludes the address with the magnificent: "Yet, ifGod wills that ... all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and . . . every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said 'the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' " On this Tuveson says: "The fact that the biblical quotation in the last sentence is said to have been uttered "three thousand years ago" would point to the Old Testament, probably Psalm 119:137—'Righteous art thou, O Lord, and upright are thy judgments'; but the actual wording is closer to the recollection of this verse in Revelation 16:7, where a voice from the altar exclaims, after the third angel has poured out his vial, 'Even so, Lord God Almighty, true and righteous are thy judgments.' " Obviously, Lincoln's words are not those of Psalm 119:137, but neither are they from Revelation 16:7. When he said "three thousand years ago" he meant what he said, having first written "four" and then deliberately changed it to "three."3 This was appropriate since he was emoting correctly the second half of Psalm 19:9 ("The fear of the Lord is clean, enduring forever: the judgments of the Lord are trueand righteous altogether ."). All his life Lincoln was accustomed to speaking before audiences who knew their Bible, and he knew his. It is not likely that Lincoln would be careless with Holy Writ on such an important occasion when his solemn theme was divine judgment. And he was not. 3 Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (New Brunswick, N.J., 1953-55), 8:,333. ...

In this paper new Roman inscriptions, found during the digs at the Roman Theatre in Cartagena and its surroundings, on the western slope of Cerro de la Concepcion, are studied. Most part of them are funerary inscriptions but cannot be linked certainty to any known cemetery on the outskirts of the city. The advanced chronology of some inscriptions, the support, which is not usual for the inscriptions of Cartagena and the mention of the origo in two epitaphs, which complete information about mobility and provenance of the immigrant in Carthago Nova, are highlighted.

Blaj Vulgate’s Book of Psalms (1760-1761): between the Latin model and tradition. The first Romanian translation of the Bible from Latin, dating from the second half of the 18th century, shows multiple concordances with previous versions, translated from Slavonic and Greek. Studying the hypothesis of a possible Latin source of the 16th-century Romanian psalters, we aim to investigate to what degree translation options from the Blaj Vulgate’s Book of Psalms are similar to those of the old translators. The analysis of several translation choices, mainly at the syntactic level, showed multiple resemblances in the use of some prepositions, most of them due to the Latin origin of Romanian; on the other hand, Vulgate explains the use of various prepositions in the translation from Blaj compared to older versions. As for the particular traits of biblical Latin, also occurring in the Romanian versions, the concordances can be explained by the existence of similar structures in Greek (often influenced by Hebrew) that were transferred both in the Latin and Slavonic translations, the latter transmitting them to the Romanian versions, or through the existence of similar structures in Latin and Slavonic.