4751287 Human leukocyte interferon N and A method of producing same in bacterial cells: Valdis M Berzin, Alexandr Tsimanis, Jury I Vishnevsky, Uldis Apsalon, Andris V Dishler, Elmar Gren, Evgeny D Sverdlov, Galina S Monastyrskaya, Sergei A Tsarev, Alexandr Smorodintsev, Vladimir I Iovlev, Guna Feldmane, Arnis Duk, Riga, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics assigned to Institut Organicheskogo Sinteza Akademii Nauk

Pharmacology of interferons I. pharmacologic distinctions between human leukocyte and fibroblast interferons

77] Cloning of the human interferons

Structural differences between human leukocyte virus-induced interferon and human fibroblast polyinosinic-polycytidylic acid (rIn-rCn)-induced interferon have been noted in previous studies. This study reports the behavior of human leukocyte and fibroblast interferon, induced by virus and by rIn-rCn, in several lectin and hydrophobic chromatographic systems. Differences in both glycosylation and in hydrophobicity of human leukocyte and fibroblast interferons are documented. Human fibroblast interferon is a glycoprotein, whereas our evidence suggests that human leukocyte interferon probably is not. Also, fibroblast interferon is more hydrophobic than leukocyte interferon, as probed on several hydrophobic adsorbents. The possible relationships of these differences to each other and to antigenic variations are discussed. Generally, the differences appear to be attributable to the cell type in which the interferon was induced. However, our results suggest that at least subtle differences in the processing of the induction signal (virus or rIn-rCn) within the same cell type may occur, slightly altering some structural features.

ABSTRACTThis article examines political exile as a particular form of migration, with reference to Indonesians living in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) when the military regime came to power in their homeland. With the rise in Jakarta of the New Order under Major-General Suharto after 1 October 1965, thousands of Indonesians in socialist and communist states abroad were effectively isolated. Faced with detention or execution if they returned home, Indonesian leftists and other dissidents who were scattered across some dozen states spanning the Sino-Soviet divide became unwilling exiles. Several thousand Indonesians were then studying in the USSR, where they were one of the largest foreign nationalities in Soviet universities and military academies. Many spent nearly half a century as exiles, struggling to survive first the vicissitudes of the cold war and then the global transformations that came with the dissolution of the USSR in December 1991. The most influential grouping of Indonesians who remained in the USSR after 1965 was known as the Overseas Committee of the Indonesian Communist Party. In China, a separate party leadership emerged, known as the Delegation of the Indonesian Communist Party. Mirroring Sino-Soviet rivalries, the Delegation urged Indonesian leftists in the USSR to join them in China. Hundreds did so. These rival factions were separated by mutual distrust until they each disbanded toward the close of the cold war. This article analyzes the changing fate of Indonesians caught in the contradictory relationship between New Order Indonesia and the USSR and in the tensions between the USSR and China as these unwilling exiles were buffeted by geopolitical transformations well beyond their influence.

Chapter 11 The Interferons

Breast-Feeding Practices of Former Soviet Women in Their Homelands and After Immigration

72] Purification of recombinant human leukocyte interferon (IFLrA) with monoclonal antibodies

The undersigned representatives plenipotentiary agree as follows: The delivery of goods by the People's Republic of China to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the People's Republic of China shall, from 1 January 1955, be carried out in accordance with the "General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods by the People's Republic of China to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the People's Republic of China" supplementary to this Protocol. Therefore, "the Protocol on the Delivery of Goods between the Foreign Trade Organizations of China and the Soviet Union" signed on 29 March 1952 becomes void immediately.

The undersigned representatives plenipotentiary agree as follows: The delivery of goods by the People's Republic of China to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the People's Republic of China shall, from 1 January 1957, be carried out in accordance with the "General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods by the People's Republic of China to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the People's Republic of China" appended to this Protocol. Accordingly, the "General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods by the People's Republic of China to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the People's Republic of China" signed on 12 February 1955 and the exchange of notes of 27 December 1955 regarding Articles 2 and 5 of the above-mentioned "General Conditions" shall immediately lose their force.

Blue Dextran (Cibacron Blue F3GA-dextran) was immobilized on cyanogen bromide activated agarose and used as a ligand for human fibroblast and leukocyte interferons in a solvent of phosphate-buffered (pH 7.4), physiological saline (0.15 M NaCl). Fibroblast interferon binds completely and is not displaced from the column by an increase in ionic strength of the solvent (1.0 M NaCl); it can be, however, recovered with ethylene glycol, indicating the hydrophobic nature of interaction. Leukocyte interferon also binds to Blue Dextran-agarose but it can be recovered simply by an increase in the ionic strength of the solvent, indicating primarily the electrostatic nature of binding. Attempts to displace both interferons selectively with nucleosides and aromatic amino acids were unsuccessful. When Cibacron Blue F3GA is immobilized directly to agarose matrix or via molecular arm, the strength of binding of fibroblast interfern is significantly decreased, although ethylene glycol is still required for its displacement from the column. Leukocyte interferon, by contrast, does not bind at all under the same solvent conditions; it does bind when the pH value of the solvent is in the range 3-5 i.e., below its isoelectric point. Human fibroblast interferon binds completely to: aminobenzene, aminonaphthalene, and aminoanthracene, all immobilized on agarose, and it can be recovered with ethylene glycol. In contrast, human leukocyte interferon does not bind to benzene-agarose; it is retarded on naphthalene-agarose and completely retained on an anthracene-agarose column. All data point to a higher intrinsic hydrophobicity of human fibroblast interferon vis-á-vis human leukocyte interferon. Selective binding of human fibroblast interferon of Cibacron Blue F3GA-agarose results in a significant purification, about 800-fold.

Reviewed by: After Leaning to One Side: China and Its Allies in the Cold War by Shen Zhihua and Li Danhui Deborah Kaple (bio) Shen Zhihua and Li Danhui. After Leaning to One Side: China and Its Allies in the Cold War. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2011. 352 pp. Hardcover $60.00, isbn 978-0-8047-7087-3. This book’s intriguing title alludes to the authors’ intention to gain new insights from the Sino-Soviet alliance through deep, concentrated research and the discovery of new sources. They recount, in incredibly rich detail, China’s relationships with the Soviet Union, North Korea, and Vietnam during the Cold War. These absorbing histories present much that is new in the twists and turns of the relationships. Further, in these narratives, they provide a fresh interpretation of the workings of the actual country-to-country relationships and the way in which the socialist world operated during this period. The chapters on North Korea demonstrate the authors’ talents and attention to detail. The story of the Korean War1 reads almost like a novel and includes some valuable insights into the inner workings of the Mao-Stalin-Kim relationship. Whereas many scholars have postulated that China’s participation in the Korean War came about by mutual agreement between Mao, Stalin, and Kim, the authors’ evidence leads them to conclude that “facing decisions already made by Moscow and Pyongyang, he [Mao] reluctantly supported Kim’s war effort” (p. 24). In fact, as the account reveals, Mao was actually caught in the web of relations that held all the socialist allies. In other words, China’s relationship with North Korea was dominated by, and indeed restricted by, its relationship with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Working inside that relationship, Kim first convinced the reluctant Stalin to support his war effort, and then Stalin, sensing an opportunity for a Soviet win-win situation, cunningly handed over the entire responsibility [End Page 217] for starting the Korean war to Mao. Thus, Mao was given an option between overruling Stalin and accepting Stalin’s decision as his own “final decision” (p. 31). North Korea hugely benefited from playing the Soviets and the Chinese off one another within this triangle. This history as revealed by Shen and Li demonstrates one of their bigger points about the operational problems of relationships in the socialist world. Structurally, the socialist alliance was set up hierarchically, almost like a family, with the Soviet Union being the father and the allies being the sons, or fraternal brothers. Thus, all of China’s relationships with socialist allies during the Cold War were constrained by China’s relationship with the USSR. In any triad—for example, USSR–China–North Korea—the Soviet Union was always the most important player. By the 1950s, Stalin had already overseen industrialization and collectivization in his country, triumphed in a major world war, and negotiated successfully with the Allies to obtain advantageous territorial gains. In contrast, Mao had just come to power in China, faced a devastated country, and had little experience with the large-scale economics that was needed to put the country back together. Consequently, there was a built-in power inequality in the Sino-Soviet relationship from the beginning of the alliance. The Comintern (the Communist International) was a case in point. It was set up to oversee and encourage Communist revolutions all over the world, and, indeed, Communists from many countries were sent to other countries to help foment revolution. But the Comintern was dominated by the USSR; in fact, it was the USSR’s organization. The Soviet Union was the first to achieve a successful revolution, and by default, the USSR was the most experienced partner in this international organization. As Shen and Li put it: “[t]he Soviet Communist Party became an ‘overlord’ to other countries’ Communist parties” (p. 253). The Russian sources in another deeply researched book made this abundantly clear in its chapters on Soviet involvement in China beginning in the 1920s.2 Shen and Li offer another interesting observation about the socialist alliance itself. Built by the USSR, it was structured around Marxist ideology with the idea that all...

BackgroundNowadays, medical cannabis still remains inaccesible for patients in the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Even registered medicinal products based on herbal or synthetic cannabinoids, like Sativex, are practically unavailable due to their high cost and narrow scope of application (for example, in Lithuania). However, before the absolute prohibition of medical cannabis in the USSR, in line with Single Convention of 1961, the State Pharmacopoeia of the USSR (eighth edition) published monographs on such medicinal products as “Herba Cannabis indicae”, “Extractum Cannabis indicae spissum” and “Fructus Cannabis”, which could be prescribed by physicians with precaution.ObjectivesFormation of a holistic approach aimed at the creation of appropriate conditions for the development of medical cannabis market and the improvement of life quality and health of Ukrainian patients.MethodsWe analyzed legislation and regulation mechanisms for medical cannabis in the USSR, and the present availability of these products for patients in the former USSR, such as Lithuania, Georgia, Estonia, Russian Federation, and Ukraine. Four hundred thirty-five Ukrainian pharmacy students participated in the quantitative analysis (a survey) that took place on April–May, 2019 at Bogomolets National Medical University (Kyiv, Ukraine). They were surveyed about legalization of medical cannabis in Ukraine, advisability of including cannabis and cannabinoids related data into educational programs, and other issues. Qualitative analysis we applied consisted of the stakeholder analysis and Strength, Weakness, Opportunity, and Threat (SWOT) analysis. We classified the key stakeholders into the patients, healthcare professionals, legislative and regulatory bodies, pharmaceutical companies, pharmacies, etc., and ranked them based on their power and interest in the development of potential medical cannabis market in Ukraine. We also identified their expectations and goals. SWOT analysis allows us to evaluate predictable risks and opportunities, as well as strong and weak aspects of the effective development of medical cannabis industry in Ukraine.ResultsAccording to the survey among pharmacy students, about 80% support the legalization of cannabis for medical purposes. However, two-thirds of them think that there is a risk of illicit turnover. Nearly half of the respondents are not informed or poorly informed about cannabis therapeutic properties. At the same time, nearly 90% consider that materials on medicinal properties of cannabis and cannabinoids should be included in the training program. Nowadays, such stakeholders as legislative and regulatory bodies have the highest power over the development of potential medical cannabis market in Ukraine: more than two million Ukrainian patients still cannot access an effective cannabinoids based treatment. There are over 20 thousand children among them suffering from drug-resistant epilepsy due to the lack of adequate legislation. Moreover, a lot of stakeholders with high level of interest, such as growers, manufacturers of cannabidiol (CBD) products, pharmaceutical companies, pharmacies, higher education institutions, even scientists and healthcare professionals are still waiting for the legalization of cannabis for medical and scientific purposes in Ukraine. SWOT analysis shows that present business structures, educational and scientific institutions, regulatory bodies, and the competency of domestic specialists are strong enough to develop a new market of cannabis-based medicinal products in Ukraine. However, a long-term ban on medical cannabis requires more time for creating the entire ecosystem. This market can be quite attractive in Ukraine. It is characterized by high growth rates, low entry barriers and a substantial demand. Yet, its advancement depends significantly on the appropriate regulatory framework, high level of awareness among health professionals and society as a whole, and involvement in scientific study to become a part of the global medical cannabis market.DiscussionThe holistic approach is aimed to improve health and life quality of Ukrainian patients through cannabis-based medicinal products. It consists of three components: changes in legislation and regulation procedures; changes to value orientations in society; observance of stakeholders’ interests and purposes. Specific recommendations are worked out to realize this approach in Ukraine.

This study is relevant in light of a thorough investigation of alcohol control and prohibition in the United States of America, the United Arab Emirates, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In order to establish the causes of their successes or failures on the matter it is necessary to analize experiences in the regulation of alcohol abuse and consumption in the modern world, as well as ideological and procedural differences in alcohol control campaigns. The purpose of this study is to investigate the features of the introduction of prohibition in the United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United Arab Emirates, looking to establish and interpret the results of their anti-alcohol campaigns. A wide array of methods were used to carry out the investigation, such as: dialectical method; formalisation; cognitive method; formal-legal method; hermeneutical method; logical-legal method; systemic method; structural-functional method; axiomatic method; method of induction and deduction; and method of analysis and synthesis. The study analysed various anti-alcohol campaigns; established the background to the introduction of Prohibition in the United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United Arab Emirates; assessed the main successes and failures of Prohibition; identified reasons for the repeal of alcohol bans; and highlighted differences between the various anti-alcohol campaigns in the United States of America,the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United Arab Emirates. The findings include: a definition ofthe phenomenon of “prohibition” itself, and what preceded it; a study of the anti-alcohol campaign in the United States and the consequences arising from the introduction of Prohibition; an examination of thenature of alcohol restrictions and bans in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the many failures ofGorbachev's anti-alcohol campaign; and a study of the reasons for keeping alcohol restrictions in the United Arab Emirates. The provisions enshrined in this article are of practical value primarily to government officials whose responsibilities include campaigning against alcohol and its effects on law enforcement, economic policy, regulatory entities and other spheres of public life.

The issue of consent to be bound by an international treaty in the juridical practice of the Ukrainian SSR is studied in the article. The powers of the Presidium of Verhovna Rada (the Supreme Council) of the Ukrainian SSR in the issues of giving of consent to be bound by an international treaty according to the Constitution of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic of the year 1937, the Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR of the year 1937 with changes in the year 1947 and the Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR of the year 1978 are disclosed in detail. Comparative analysis of respective dispositions and the norms of the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) of the year 1936, the Constitution of the USSR of the year 1936 with changes in the year 1944 and the Constitution of the USSR of the year 1977 are carried out. The research is grounded on specific international juridical examples of consent to be bound by an international treaty of the Ukrainian SSR.

Chapter 21. The Human Interferons