일제강점기 한성권번과 권번시조

The purpose this study is to examine the establishment process of Daejeong- Gwonbeon in the Imperial Japan's forced occupation period and Gwonbeon's Sijo based on Daejeong-Gwonbeon, and analyze its content and meaning. First, by exploring the change process of the Gisaeng (female entertainers) system, this study attempted to examine the characteristics of the Gisaeng system and changes in perception of Gisaeng in the Imperial Japan's forced occupation period. Next, this study tried to understand the process of Daejeong- Gwonbeon's establishment and its meaning through Sijo works based on Daejeong-Gwonbeon.
 In the Imperial Japan's forced occupation period, Gisaeng's role and perception changed after the abolition of the government-gisaeng system. Gisaeng, who was recognized as an artist with expertise, participating in Joseon dynasty national events and various banquets, was perceived as a professional woman who made her living from the craft since the Imperial Japan's forced occupation period. In this way, the change in the Gisaeng system and perception of Gisaeng was due to social changes at the time and had a great impact on Gisaeng themselves.
 In this situation of the times, Daejeong-Gwonbeon's Gisaeng tried to prove their own value as artists. Daejeong-Gwonbeon's Gisaengs tried to emphasize their aspect as artists through dance and song within the changed system. Especially as well as traditional dancing and singing, they tried to differentiate themselves from other Gwonbeons by showing their own unique performances by utilizing their various fortes.
 These characteristics of Daejeong-Gwonbeon are also clearly visible in the Sijo works included in the 『Joseon Beauty Bogam』. Sijo, created in the form of a question-and-answer dialogue, expresses the characteristics and prosperity of Daejeong-Gwonbeon through chrysanthemums and nature. The metaphors and symbols that appear in the works, as well as the question-and-answer form in parallel form, are a typical feature of Sijo, which was often used in the Joseon dynasty, which confirms that the Sijo works created based on Daejeong- Gwonbeon follow the traditional Sijo style.

The purpose of this study is to examine the establishment process of Hannam-Gwonbeon during the imperial Japan’s forced occupation period and Sijo (formal poetry) works that introduced Hannam-Gwonbeon, and to analyze their content and meaning. The main characteristic of Gisaeng (female entertainers) during the imperial Japan’s forced occupation period is that they escaped from the status of government-gisaeng. As these changes had a significant impact on the Gisaeng system and Gisaeng activities, before analyzing their works, this study attempted to explore the change process of the Gisaeng system. Based on this, this study attempted to grasp the meaning of Hannam-Gwonbeon by examining Hannam-Gwonbeon’s establishment process and the Sijo’s works that introduced Hannam-Gwonbeon.
 During the imperial Japan’s forced occupation period, after the abolition of the government-gisaeng system, as the Gisaeng crackdown decree was implemented, the Gisaeng guild was established to manage these people of Gisaeng. Gisaeng was recognized as one of the occupations that make a living from dancing and singing. In a capitalist society, Gisaeng’s various activities became a means of making money.
 Hannam-Gwonbeon were a Gwonbeon, the majority of whom were from Namdo (southern Jeolla province). Although its size was smaller than other Gwonbeon guilds, their Namdo Sori gained popularity as a special talent, and they used that advantage as a competitive advantage. These characteristics of Hannam-Gwonbeon also appear in their Sijo works. ‘Wolgyehwa (laurel flowers; 月桂花)’ and ‘Nambangjigang (南方之强)’ would mean their effort and sincerity, and at the same time, they mean those Gisaeng (Gwonbeon) with outstanding skills from Namdo. Through this, it can be seen that Hannam-Gwonbeon’s unwavering momentum and hope for eternity.
 These Gisaeng of Hannam-Gwonbeon learned their skills with constant effort and sincerity amidst the changes of the times and sought to be recognized for their technical-artistic abilities through performances. For these Gisaeng, technical-artistic crafts were not simply a means to make money, but a means to prove their worth as artists with tradition and expertise. Therefore, Gisaeng during the imperial Japan’s forced occupation period should not be recognized only as a sexual object, but there is a need to re-identify as artists who continued the tradition and passed it on to future generations.

Reviewed by: Lost and Found: Recovering Regional Identity in Imperial Japan by Hi-raku Shimoda Brian Platt (bio) Lost and Found: Recovering Regional Identity in Imperial Japan. By Hiraku Shimoda. Harvard University Asia Center, Cambridge, Mass., 2014. x, 159 pages. $39.95. This book contributes to a growing body of English-language historical scholarship on the function and identity of regions in Japan. The focus on subnational units itself is not what distinguishes this body of scholarship, for historians have long chosen such a focus as a means of narrowing their bodies of evidence and conducting fine-grained studies of local dynamics. Rather, what defines this scholarship is that the region is the telos of the analysis, even if broader issues are also in play. Hiraku Shimoda’s book is [End Page 192] on regional identity in Japan and its place within the larger narrative of the modern nation-state. His choice of Aizu as his geographic focus is compelling, owing to the fact that it played the role of enemy to the cause of imperial restoration and thus served as an antithesis to the emerging national narrative in the decades following the Meiji Restoration. The question of how Aizu was rehabilitated within that narrative forms the analytical thrust of the book. Two of the five main chapters of Shimoda’s book focus on the Tokugawa period. During this time Aizu was a distinct political unit: a geographically contiguous domain, headed by a single political authority. It therefore stood in contrast to many other regions of Tokugawa Japan that were divided into multiple political jurisdictions and whose geography created great diversity within the region—a notable example of this being Shinano, which was the subject of another recent book on regional identity by Kären Wigen.1 For most of the Tokugawa era, Aizu was headed by the Matsudaira house, and under its headship the domain came to play an important geopolitical role as a loyal military ally of the Tokugawa. After the Matsudaira were appointed in the mid-seventeenth century to govern Aizu—they were a transplant from Shinano, in fact—they set about the task of familiarizing themselves with the land and people they governed. Often at the bakufu’s behest, they generated maps, population registers, and cadastral surveys, which charted out the physical landscape of the domain. They also compiled gazetteers and domainal histories that filled the physical landscape with cultural information and narrated its historical development—as one might expect, in a way that bolstered the legitimacy of the Matsudaira’s claims to domainal rulership. The domainal government also actively propagated the notion of domainal service (kokueki), which provided moral justification for policies prohibiting farmers from absconding and preventing the export of certain goods. And the domainal government was not the only source of knowledge production about Aizu or rhetoric about domainal identity. Local intellectuals wrote gazetteers and travel literature; privately produced (though sometimes officially endorsed) agricultural handbooks took Aizu residents as their imagined audience; and merchants appropriated the language of domainal loyalty when advocating for protectionist economic measures. While all of this activity provided potential grist for the making of a domainal identity, in his next chapter Shimoda cautions against jumping to anachronistic claims of proto-nationalism on a regional scale. He argues, first, that the rhetoric of domainal service was, by and large, targeted to the limited audience of the samurai. He also emphasizes that the domainal government [End Page 193] lacked the institutional reach to actually instill domainal identity in the population—and indeed, it lacked the inclination to do so, since it did not see the need to secure an active political commitment from the general population. In the eyes of domainal authorities, the people were “less the inkling of a nation, or even a distinctly regional people, than a tellingly premodern, uneven collectivity” (p. 35). The defining moment of Aizu’s history came at the end of the Tokugawa era, when it defended the bakufu against the imperial forces from Satsuma and Chōshū in the Boshin War. Shimoda describes Aizu’s experience in the aftermath of its defeat, which was not unlike that of defeated nations in international warfare. The...

The purpose of this study is to discover Manjae, Ju Won-taek's new Gasa works and report them to the academic world. In addition, by estimating Ju Won-taek's life, this study tried to understand the purpose and background of Gasa writing, and the writer's consciousness shown in the works.
 Most of the original Gasas included in his Gasa-anthology “Geumsugangsan Travelogue (錦繡江山遊覽記)” are presumed to be his works in the 1960s. In his works, the expression method of dual meaning (二重字義), which was frequently used in the late Joseon Dynasty, appears. Dual meaning, which gives a new meaning to Gasa's word-syllable by using an ambiguous expression, is one of the poetic characteristics that appear throughout sijo, japga, and Chinese poetry, as well as Gasa in the late Joseon Dynasty as a pun expression method that was popular in the late Joseon Dynasty. After liberation, the traditional Shiga was replaced by the pre-modern literature style, and Gasa that has continued to the modern times is mainly Gyubang- Gasa. Considering this point, it can be seen that his Gasa works written in the 20th century inherited the pun expression method that was popular in the late Joseon Dynasty.
 Also, it can be confirmed that various contents are used as literary materials in his Gasa works. What is paid attention to here are the works based on the history of our nation. Through works such as “Daehan (大韓) Pride”, “Gyeongju Travel (慶州遊覽)”, “Deungnamsangongwonchan (登南山公園讃)”, and “Armed Forces National Cemetery Visit Worship (國軍墓地參拜)”, he reflected the phases of the times.
 His works based on history are closely connected to his consciousness as a writer. The 20th century was a time when sovereignty and land were taken away from Imperial Japan during the Imperial Japan’s colonial period, and ethnic conflicts arose through 6-25 War, 4-19 Revolution, and 5-16 Military Coup. He suggests national unity as a way to overcome these national crises. To him, unity of the nation was the way to overcome the national crisis and at the same time, the way for our people to move forward. Therefore, He thought we would be able to overcome the country's crisis by emphasizing the identity of the nation through our history and culture and restoring national pride.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of organizational level on employees' perceptions and reactions to a complex organizational change involving proposed work force redesign, downsizing and a physical move to a new hospital.Design/methodology/approachParticipants included executives, supervisory and non‐supervisory staff in a major tertiary hospital. Recorded in‐depth interviews were conducted with 61 employees about the positive and negative aspects of the change.FindingsA total of 12 themes were identified from content coding, including emotional responses and attitudes toward the change, issues about the management of the change process and about change outcomes. Supervisory and non‐supervisory staff referred more to conflict and divisions, and expressed more negative attitudes toward the change, than did executives. Executives and supervisory staff focused more on planning challenges and potential outcomes of the change than did non‐supervisory staff. Finally, compared to other staff, executives focused more on participation in the change process and communication about the change process.Research limitations/implicationsThis study examines the organizational change at only one time point in one organization. Perceptions of the change may change over time, and other identities like professional identity may influence perceptions.Practical implicationsThese findings suggest that change agents should consider the needs of different organizational groups in order to achieve effective and successful organizational change.Originality/valueThis study clearly shows the impact of organizational level, identifying similarities and differences in perceptions of change across level.

To describe leisure participation in adolescents with congenital heart defects (CHD) and identify factors associated with intensity of participation. Eighty adolescents with CHD were recruited (39 males, 41 females; mean age [SD] 15y 8mo [1y 8mo] range 11y 5mo-19y 11mo) of whom 78 completed the Children's Assessment of Participation and Enjoyment (CAPE) outcome measure of leisure participation. The measure has five subscales: recreational, active-physical, social, skill-based, and self-improvement. Associations between the CAPE and age, sex, and development were examined. Motor ability (Movement Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition), cognition (Leiter International Performance Scale-Revised), behavior (Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire), and motivation (Dimensions of Mastery Questionnaire) were assessed. Participants exhibited impaired motor (43.5%), behavioral (23.7%), and cognitive (29.9%) development. The most intense participation was in social (mean [SD] 3.3 [0.99]) and recreational (2.9 [0.80]) activity types on the CAPE. Male sex (p<0.05) and younger age were associated with greater physical activity (<15y: 1.87; ≥15y: 1.31, p<0.05). Greater engagement in social activities was related to better cognition (r=0.28, p<0.05), higher motor function (r=0.30-0.36, p<0.01), and fewer behavioral difficulties (r=-0.32 to -0.47, p<0.01). Cognitive ability (r=0.27, p<0.05), dexterity and aiming/catching (r=0.27-0.33, p<0.05), and behavior problems (r=0.38-0.49, p=0.001) were correlated with physical activity participation. Persistence in tasks, an aspect of motivation, correlated with physical (r=0.45, p<0.001) and social activity involvement (r=0.28, p<0.05). Ongoing developmental impairments in adolescents with CHD are associated with decreased active-physical and social engagement, putting them at risk of poor physical and mental health. Health promotion strategies should be considered. Adolescents with congenital heart defects (CHD) have limited engagement in active-physical leisure activities. Cognitive, motor, and behavioral impairments are associated with decreased participation in leisure in children with CHD. Female sex and older age are associated with less engagement in leisure. Mastery motivation correlates with participation, suggesting an avenue for intervention.

“Shou su hui” (Gathering for Su dongpo's Birthday Remembrance) is a cultural phenomenon popular in the Qing Dynasty. This paper discusses the origin and development of “Shou su hui” in the Qing Dynasty, and how it was introduced into the Joseon Dynasty through Joseon envoys, and sorted out the spread situation and reasons after it was introduced into the Joseon Dynasty. This paper mainly focuses on the analysis of the “Shou su hui” of Weng Fanggang(翁方綱), which played an important role in the development of the “Shou su hui” and played a decisive role in the introduction of “Shou su hui” into the Joseon Dynasty.&#x0D; Through the historical materials of 燕行, the time and the process of “Shou su hui”'s introduction into the Joseon Dynasty were explored based on the friendship of Park Jae-ga(朴齊家), Kim Jeong-hui(金正喜), Shin Wi(申緯) and Weng Fanggang. This paper discusses the process which Joseon Dynasty intellectuals accepted the culture. By sorting out the poems related to the “Shou su hui” by the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty, this paper observes the spread situation of the “Shou su hui” among the intellectuals after it was introduced into the Joseon Dynasty, including the main groups and time distribution of the cultural activities. To compare with the “Shou su hui” of the Qing Dynasty before its introduction, this paper finds the difference between the Shousuhui which developed in combination with the native culture of the Joseon Dynasty and the previous “Shou su hui”, and analyzes the reasons for its development and change.&#x0D; In the late Joseon Dynasty, there was a fever of admiration for Su Dongpo, and this fever interacted with the spread of the “Shou su hui”. After the introduction of the “Shou su hui” into the Joseon Dynasty, it further promoted the occurrence of this fever, and the Su Dongpo fever also provided sufficient soil for the development of the “Shou su hui”. As a cultural phenomenon, the “Shou su hui” connected the intellectuals of the two countries because of their admiration for Su Dongpo, and eventually became an important part of the cultural exchanges between the two countries at that time.

Landscapes are changing, with rural areas becoming increasingly urbanized. Children and adolescents are underrepresented in the sense-of-place literature. Our study aimed to understand how adolescent residents of a rural–urban transition area perceive and value their urbanizing landscape by examining sense of place and perceptions of landscape change. A Public Participation GIS approach, accompanied by a questionnaire survey, was applied to elicit responses from a sample of 747 students aged 12–18 in Colmenar Viejo, Madrid (Spain). Respondents’ sense of “self-in-place” or home range was small, around 1 km, although valued places were identified up to around 17 km away, and occasionally further afield. Most responses were associated with urban land, with clear difference between the urban core, strongly associated with emotions, and the suburbs, with activities. Functional locations (i.e. sports facilities) and places which were valued for their social meaning (i.e. shopping malls), could be differentiated. Students were perceptive about change processes in the urban area, but not about those on the peripheral semi-natural land. Younger children were less aware than older children of spaces outside of the town and carried out fewer activities there. Females carried out fewer outdoor activities than male adolescents. In contrast to the adult population, students were more strongly focused on urban areas than on their surrounding rural landscapes. Here, awareness-raising and incentives are needed, particularly those encouraging females into the use of areas beyond the urban land. Our results suggest a lack of meaningful integration between the core city and the periphery, with lessons for urban planners.

The silencing and shaming of Asian comfort women by Japan represent prime examples of dehumanization through female objectification. The Japanese government’s World War II-era sinful and evil predatory actions towards these women have been perpetuated in the years that have followed through the government’s political efforts to silence this history of women’s enslavement. Recognition of two faces of shame—the shame of the perpetrator, guilty of structural and social sin and evil of Japan, and the shame of victims, innocent but wrongly imposed upon by the perpetrator and their culture —can be a pivotal theological line of discussion and reflection. The shame of the formerly subjugated women, and the guilt shame of the Japanese government can only be alleviated with a substantive response to the growing call of social justice activism. This can be supported by theological and psychological reflection for the restoration of Asian comfort women’s human rights and by Japan’s proper apology and compensation directly for the victims and their families. The implications—of a theology of shame and guilt shame—promote awareness of the seriousness of dehumanization through the sex slavery system of sex-trafficking orchestrated by imperial Japan and invite comfort women, Japan, and their communities to move forward in reconciliation. It is through breaking the hold of tendencies of silencing and shaming that perpetuate the dehumanization of these women. Furthermore, this critical reflection can advance calls for social justice on behalf those who are victims of human-trafficking— particularly sex-trafficking—in modern days and a restoration of their full human rights from the dehumanization process of sex slavery.

The purpose of this study is to discuss commoners’ perceptions of the Full Moon featured in their poems and poetic paintings and examine the relationships between their perceptions and the seasonal customs during the 18th and 19th centuries. The Full Moon featured on the paintings during Joseon Dynasty was the object of people’s observation and at the same time, was a conceptual natural phenomenon, but in Yeohangsisado during 18th and 19th centuries, it was an object of savoring, neither a conceptual nor a holy object. This study reviews the peoples’ perceptional changes of the Full Moon through the paintings, and thereupon, discusses people’s perceptions of the Full Moon from the diverse perspectives: Kim Chang Heup’s cosmological view of the nature, Hong Dae Yong’s and Northerners’ theory of equal importance of characters, theory of character equivalence and doctrine of the holy spirit. Through the publications of the various biographies and the collections of essays recording commoners’ ordinary life, their self-awareness would be enhanced. Commoners’ concern with the customs would well be depicted by such books featuring the customs as Jo Su Sam’s ‘Se Si Gi’, Yoo Deuk Gong’s ‘Gyeongdojapji’, Yoo Bon Ye’s ‘Hangyeongjiryak’, etc. The changes of the view of nature and aesthetic theology of the Holy Spirit featured in Yeohangsisado during late Joseon Dynasty would be facilitated as expressions of individual emotions. Such a tendency facilitated the expansion of the base of such popular cultures as poems, folklore paintings and Pansori, ushering in the literary and art Renaissance during late Joseon Dynasty. After all, such literary and art Renaissance would lead to the enhancement of self-awareness and popular consciousness, facilitating the cultural modernization.

People’s perceptions of changes in local weather patterns are an important precursor to proactive adaptation to climate change. In this paper, we consider public perceptions of changes in average rainfall in India, analyzing the relationship between perceptions and the instrumental record. Using data from a national sample survey, we find that local instrumental records of precipitation are a strong predictor of perceived declines in rainfall. Perceptions of decreasing rainfall were also associated with perceptions of changes in extreme weather events, such as decreasing frequency of floods and severe storms, increasing frequency of droughts, and decreasing predictability of the monsoon. Higher social vulnerability—including low perceived adaptive capacity and greater food and livelihood dependence on local weather—was also associated with perceptions of decreasing rainfall. While both urban and rural respondents were likely to perceive local changes in precipitation, we show that rural respondents in general were more sensitive to actual changes in precipitation. Individual perceptions of changes in local climate may play an important role in shaping vulnerability to global climate change, adaptive behavior, and support for adaptation and mitigation policies. Awareness of local climate change is therefore particularly important in regions where much of the population is highly exposed and sensitive to the impacts of climate change.

This volume--an outgrowth of the annual meeting of the Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology--focuses on examples of social change and community action, and the processes at work in creating change. The presenters engaged each other and the audience in thinking about how best to create and sustain social change. This volume represents a product of their cumulative insight, research results, and perspectives, including chapters from each of the symposium presenters, as well as a few selected chapters from other noted scholars. Taken as a whole, the volume is highly accessible and presents findings from provocative and programmatic research that offer illuminating lessons for anyone interested in attempts at community change, civic participation, and social action. Processes of Community Change and Social Action provides cutting-edge and complementary approaches to understanding the causes and effects of broad civic participation. The contributors to this volume are all distinguished researchers and theorists, well known for their work on different aspects of processes of community change and social action. They address topics related to service learning, social movements, political socialization, civil society, and especially volunteerism. This unique interdisciplinary collection appeals to social, personality, community, and developmental psychologists, sociologists, and public health researchers. It also should be of considerable interest to practitioners of social action and individuals working to create social change.

Journal of Women's History 15.4 (2004) 170-177 [Access article in PDF] Women's Sexual Labor and State in Korean History Chunghee Sarah Soh Having studied the "comfort women" issue over the past several years, I have come to the conclusion that the enduring historical patterns of asymmetrical relations between Korean women's sexual labor and its appropriation by state institutions constitute a major underlying, social psychological factor that contributed to overall societal indifference to the horrific ordeals former comfort women suffered for nearly half a century before the transnational social movement for redress began in the early 1990s. 1 Countless young girls and women in colonized Korea (1910-1945) and elsewhere in East Asia and the Pacific islands, whose estimated numbers are up to 200,000, were forced to engage in sexual servitiude by the imperial Japanese military during the Asia Pacific War (1931-1945). 2 The majority of the young females recruited as comfort women came from lower classes. Many were deceived by "human traders" who lured them with promises of well-paying jobs only to deliver them to brothels and military comfort stations. Some, however, chose to leave home, not out of economic necessity but in search of independence and freedom from domestic violence against and gendered mistreatment of daughters. 3 In addition, we should note here that one of the strategic reasons why imperial Japan targeted Korean unmarried women in their recruitment of military comfort women was the fact that they were sexually inexperienced, due to the cultural emphasis on and strict social enforcement of the cult of female virginity in Korean sexual mores. Furthermore, it should be pointed out that in the Korean history of women's enforced sexual labor, imperial Japan was not the first foreign nation to take advantage of its superior political power position in the exploitation of Korean women's sexual labor. More than 700 years ago, when the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392) on the Korean peninsula came under the Mongols' domination at the end of a thirty-year warfare (during which about half of a million women and children were taken by the Mongolian army), the Korean state was forced to round up young females and send them as kongnyo (literally, "tribute women") to the Mongols of the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368) for over eighty years. 4 The tribute women were the Mongol's version of the comfort women. The Chinese demand for Korean kongnyo did not stop with the demise of both Koryo and Yuan dynasties. The state of Choson Dynasty (1392-1910) continued to recruit and offer kongnyo to China's Ming dynasty (1368-1662) until around 1521. 5 [End Page 170] In the seventeenth century, when the Manchus vanquished Ming and came to power, the Korean nation suffered two Manchu invasions in 1627 and 1636, and hundreds of thousands of Koreans were forcibly taken to China. When some of the captured women returned home, they were regarded as defiled women and rejected even by their families. 6 Many of the returnee women hanged themselves, and it is said that their corpses littered the streets. The term hwanhyangnyo (literally, a home-coming woman, referring to the returnee women from China) degenerated into hwanyangnyon (a promiscuous woman, or a slut), to be despised and ill-treated. 7 The painful prejudice and ostracization that Korean returnee women suffered more than three centuries ago still resonate deeply in the psychological fear of social stigmatization that comfort women survivors have experienced in their postwar lives in contemporary Korean society. To understand the centuries-old pattern of societal rejection of survivors of forced sexual labor, we need to consider the systemic binary division of women according to normative functions of their sexuality in the history of Korean patriarchy. The majority of women, who were socialized to be obedient wives and selflessly devoted mothers, was taught to regard virginity to be more precious than life itself, while a small number of women was trained to entertain men professionally, offering bodily services for sexual recreation. From the social structural perspective of Korean history, state...

SummaryDespite centuries of subjugation by larger neighbours—Joseon Korea, Imperial Japan, and South Korea—Jeju island society has maintained a distinct identity and a measure of autonomy. Relations with both Korea and Japan have at times had devastating effects on the islanders, but also contributed to the dynamism of Jeju island society and opened up new routes for islanders to continue traveling as a vital part of their social life.

SummaryDespite centuries of subjugation by larger neighbours—Joseon Korea, Imperial Japan, and South Korea—Jeju island society has maintained a distinct identity and a measure of autonomy. Relations with both Korea and Japan have at times had devastating effects on the islanders, but also contributed to the dynamism of Jeju island society and opened up new routes for islanders to continue traveling as a vital part of their social life.