清法戰爭中淡水、基隆之役的文學、史實與集體記憶

The trend of “neo-TAI-KEI Culture” (Taiwan local culture) reached its peak during 2005 and 2006. Supported by various official explanations, the term “neo- TAI FENG” (Taiwanese style) is recognized as a reproduction of auxiliary notions of “TAI-KEI culture”. As the matter of fact, “TAI FENG” has already existed in the context of the development of arts in Taiwan before the emergence of “TAI-KEI culture”. After the martial law was lifted, designers in Taiwan hoped to create a type of visual communication with Taiwanese style to stimulate previous thoughts about the creation of art. Therefore, they used collective memories in folk cultures as contents and elements for art creation. With design concepts in mind, this study aims to examine “postmodern style” and “contemporary social culture in Taiwan”. It analyzes design styles in the postmodern culture; furthermore, it explores the practice of postmodern design in plastic arts, architecture, literature, painting, cinema, and visual communication. The attempt is to discover the formats and styles of art creations. This study analyzes the contents and theories of postmodernism and the concepts and styles of the post modern culture. It then applies the analyses to the contemporary culture and social settings in Taiwan as an effort to outline local visual signs and presentation formats of contemporary Taiwanese culture. Regarding this, this study takes “In the Name of TAI FENG” as a theme to make posters from four aspects: cultural pictorial semiotics, symbolic meanings, presentation methods, and use of colors. The analyses are applied to the author’s poster creations displayed in the personal exhibition. The results and reviews of this study are compiled into a volume to serve as a reference for future research.

As a cognitive and emotional process, collective memory draws on the knowledge and experience presented by all individuals, conveying a wide range of complex and subtle emotions. Collective memory is essentially a reconstruction of the past from the present perspective, featured with sustainability, changeability, wide dissemination and overall competitiveness. Since collective memory was further heightened as a prominent part of global culture in the last decades of the 20th century driven by the modern media and the mass political participation, many countries and ethnic groups have institutionalized commemorative activities on major historic events, and conducted self-reflections on historical problems. Considerable attention has also been paid on collective memory researches in a diverse array of fields by the international academia, particularly the collective traumatic memory due to its great potential to reshape socio-political structures and processes.

The study is aimed to research how the Indonesian Hakka's Ban foods culture III Taiwan is different from local ones, which enriches diverse Hakka diet culture in Taiwan. Taiwan has many female marriage immigrants from overseas over two decades, most live in Taoyuan county, and Indonesian Hakka females have immigrated to Taiwan by marriage earlier than others from other Southeast Asia, which playing an important role in carrying on Hakka culture. Ban foods are Hakka's collective memories, but the Ban foods culture which was brought in Taiwan by Indonesian Hakka females is little different from local ones. It is to study the Ban foods culture of Indonesian Hakka by analyzing tribe identification, multi-cultures, culture symbols, integration, and marriage immigrants' collective memories, etc. Ban foods are common binding Indonesian Hakka culture and local Hakka culture together in Taiwan, and the author knows more about Hakka culture by interviewing some immigrants. Based on above, the study is aimed to let more people know about Indonesian Hakka females and their Hakka culture by researching the similar but not the same Hakka Ban foods culture.

Although Herodotus is honored in the western world as the ”father of history”, the authenticity of facts underlining his work, the Histories, has been questioned. Because the discussion of the authenticity of the Histories is based mainly on these based facts that derive from oral material on memory, the question arises of how to judge the authenticity of such memories. This paper makes the point that public memories and oral tradition are creaticed in helping us understand the authenticity of the Histories. In ancient Greece, so-called ”authentic versions” were preserved and transmitted in certain collective memories, 'authenticity' was thus not a matter of simple empirical facts. Although it may lack some of the precise detail on historical events, oral history retains the emotional elements of history. It reflects not only what was happening in the past, but what people thought of these. Particularly in the context of the ancient Greek polis, where important activities were fully open to the public view, oral material that had been tested by public memory could provide an authentic record of history. We should not determine the credibility of the Histories only according to our modern concept of “history”: rather, we should bear in mind the form and meaning of such public memories as well. The author therefore points out that only by knowing more about the social environment in which the classical historians were living, by grasping the spirit of ancient times, and by fully understanding the classical historians' limitations, as well as their and their readers' (or audiences') expectations, can we read and interpret ancient historical works to improve our understanding of the ancient ”real world” in ancient times.

Los cruces y correspondencias del tiempo histórico y el tiempo biográfico es el sello característico de la ambiciosa novela de Antonio Muñoz Molina, El jinete polaco. Por intermediación del recuerdo el narrador fusiona su memoria individual en la memoria colectiva de Mágina, mítica población que sintetiza y condensa la crisis de una España atrapada en la encrucijada entre la tradición y la modernidad. De esta manera, el tiempo no avanza como un relato histórico convencional, como un conjunto de información lo suficientemente documentada y desplegada en una secuencia lineal, sino como un testimonio caótico que remueve nuevos lugares escondidos con celo dentro del yo. Dicho con otras palabras, a través de la subjetividad de un individuo que analiza en retrospectiva su experiencia personal, irrumpe en paralelo un mosaico fragmentario del pasado y presente de España.Este trabajo tiene por objeto revisar cómo por intermediación del lenguaje la novela logra entretejer una gran variedad de «emplazamientos»; entendiendo por emplazamiento la síntesis de «plaza» (lugar), y plazo (tiempo), y cómo estos binomios espacio-temporales re-construyen la personalidad de un yo.

臺灣南島語族的海洋文化，不只達悟人有，阿美人也有，相較之下，阿美人的海洋文化長期是被忽略的。本論文我要處理串連花蓮港口阿美人從過去到現在記憶的「海岸空間」。空間中的記憶是人們持續在空間中互動所產生的歷史結果。港口阿美人與海岸空間互動所產生的記憶，不僅與祭儀有關，也與身體實踐有密切且實質的關係。筆者從以下三大軸線論述港口海岸空間中的記憶，即海岸地名、海祭以及海岸空間中的身體實踐： 首先，海岸空間的歷史化論述，討論的就是海岸空間中的記憶。文獻上未曾出現港口的海岸地名，地名指涉的無論是潛出海平面的礁岩、區段或是地點等，皆是港口阿美人在海岸空間中歷經時間過程，具體體現的記憶標記，這些地名承載著港口阿美人從小到大的共同記憶與情感。 海岸地名，呈現出港口阿美人內在文化邏輯，對於海岸空間的認知、命名與敘事。依據港口阿美人的敘事，進一步顯現出有別於過去文獻，記載著對於海岸地景的文化想像。當地人對於海岸地景的想像，大多是以日常生活經驗指涉具體可見的物。港口阿美人回應當代社會、政治、經濟環境變遷對外發聲時，會使用其中一海岸地名，做為宣告港口阿美人自我認同與文化表徵的現代符碼。 除此之外，海祭舉行的空間不是固定的，早期以具有公共空間功能的集會所為主要舉行場所，然而，隨著傳統集會所建築物的消失。之後，海祭舉行空間曾轉移至海岸多處。舉行海祭的過程往往扣連當地人認為過去是如何進行海祭的記憶。籌備海祭過程的海洋生物分類，反映出港口阿美人對於漁獲物的評價，受到物以稀為貴、不易取得以及市場價格三者影響。日常生活中無論男女都有在海岸空間進行的活動，採集與漁獵活動不受性別的限制。 最後，關於海岸空間中的記憶與身體實踐。筆者從身體的感官認知與身體技能，討論港口阿美人在海岸空間中的身體實踐。阿美人身處於海岸空間發展出不同的感官認知，表現在視覺、聽覺、味覺。日常生活港口阿美人在海岸空間習以從事的採集與漁獵活動，這些豐富且活絡的身體活動，亦即阿美海洋文化的身體技能。港口阿美人日常生活大量食用從海岸處取得的海洋生物，當海岸空間中的海洋生物轉換為日常生活食物，因食物進入身體養成的飲食習慣，牽繫著原鄉或是出外的港口阿美人群與海岸空間產生的共同記憶。

In his novel Lang Taur Sha, Bai Dong-Fang (1938-) depicts the family history of three families from three different tribes: Hoklo, Hakka and Hokchew. The other writer, Jia-Hong Qiu (1933-), whose novel Taiwanese Gale Cloud describes a Hoklo protagonist Jin-di Lin’s life story and other characters related to him. The external chronology of Lang Taur Sha spans from 1895, when the Japanese army landed Taiwan, to the 1980s, while Taiwanese Gale Cloud spans from the end of 1943 to the year 2001. Both Saga Novels concern Taiwanese people’s striving from the period of Japanese Occupy to the era after Kuomington (the Chinese Nationalist Party) came to Taiwan; and both have a common structure that is based on real historical events. Though quite different in the writing styles, Lang Taur Sha and Taiwanese Gale Cloud share common bases on the romance, satire, comedy and tragedy in their characters and spaces, especially the characters in the fields of the relative structure. As activists, they start their competition and face conflicts in the society with their illusions, though they are still under the restrictions of the society. Staged in such spaces, the plots circuitously develop. In Lang Taur Sha, the three characters Ya-Xin Chou, Dong-Lang Jiang and Ming-de Chou are adopted from three real persons in history: A-Xin Tsai, Dong-Lang Zhang and Ming-de Chen. The three branches of the story line do not intertwine a lot; the protagonists tell their stories in different places around the world. On the other hand, Jin-Di Lin in Taiwanese Gale Cloud seems to be created based on the legendary figure Deng-Fa Yu, who contributed to the democratic campaign of Taiwan, and the setting of the novel is located in Yamuliao, Bei-Bao Village, which is filled with Taiwanese local atmosphere. Both Lang Taur Sha and Taiwanese Gale Cloud present that through the negotiation of the subjective consciousness, there are inevitably traces showing the oppression of the authority, in the Kominka Movement (the Tennoization Movement) while Taiwan was under Japanese rules. In Lang Taur Sha Dong-Fang vividly depicts the war, highly related to the Komika Movement, which actually happened in the battlefields of China and the South Pacific Islands. In contract, Qiu chooses to depict the war through narration in Taiwanese Gale Cloud. After Kuomington takes over Taiwan, Lang Taur Sha shows how the officials, being also Taiwanese, discriminate Taiwanese people. In Taiwanese Gale Cloud, the overtakers seize common people’s properties like bullies. Dealing with the issue of the massacre in the 228 Incident, the viewpoints of Lang Taur Sha seems limited, while Taiwanese Gale Cloud re-writes the past and “subverts” it. Observing the historical contexts in both novels, there seems to be different levels of scrapes in history in Lang Taur Sha and Taiwanese Gale Cloud. However, in Lang Taur Sha the range is larger, presenting the faces and perspectives of common people from different tribes and countries. The author attempts to position his work in world novels. While in Taiwanese Gale Cloud, the author presents the faces and perspectives of the ruling class, intending to interpret the history of Taiwan in his own work. This thesis aims at analyzing and comparing these two Saga Novels in the approach of Stephen Greenblatt’s New Historicism. Greenblatt opposes that, in the past when literary critics talked about the “contexts” of a literary work, they assumed that there are the reality and specificity that the “contexts” of the work is unable to reach. What Greenblatt concerns more is the connection between the literary work and the historic sequences. Instead of considering that histories are stiff factual events or the backgrounds of how literature is developed, he claims that both are discourses of the social structure, placing literature in speakings and exchange with the historical contexts.

In plays based extensively on oral history interviewees help to shape how the plays depict their lives and the events they remember. Interviewees’ memories provide details and perceptions that can determine the interpretive authority of the play and provide engagement and immediacy. Yet in developing scripts about historical events that use oral interviews, playwrights should not rely on individual and collective memories alone, not just because memory can be unreliable, but also because evidence from written and other sources may be needed to create scripts that reflect history’s complexity and depth. For these reasons, playwrights will find it helpful to work closely with historians, and with interviewees and the cast. This kind of collaboration can result in plays about history that are both good theater—and good history.

This research aims to study Taiwanese animated film On the Happiness Road. The film On the Happiness Road brings the audience back to the past 40 years in Taiwan through the growth of Lin Shu-chi. It represented the collective memory of Taiwanese by hand-drawn animation. Based on the development of modern Taiwanese society, this study explores the complex relationship between Taiwanese animated films and social changes in Taiwan. In addition to an overview of Taiwanese historical and cultural backgrounds, it discussed how the director uses animation to construct and represent Taiwan’s modernization and democratization process after martial law. And it analyzed how the film reflects the collective memory of the Taiwanese audience. This research analyzed On the Happiness Road in textual analysis and semiology in different socio-cultural themes, such as education under Martial Law, democratization after Martial Law lifted, post-Cold War influence on Taiwan, gender, class, and ethnicity. This thesis hopes to point out the collective memory presented by the director and the significant historical and cultural experience in Taiwan.

First Vision: Memory and Mormon Origins

“In Honorable Remembrance to All Generations”: Commemoration and the Making of Mormon Battalion Memory, 1921–2021

David Sutton A Tale of Easter Ovens: Food and Collective Memory AT A TIME W H E N DRINK S AVAILABLE IN GAS STATION COOLERS PROMISE exotic ingredients to boost your m em ory powers, my own in ter­ est in food and m em ory m eets w ith bem usem ent from friends and colleagues.' Both the study o f food and o f m em oiy are relatively recent subjects in anthropology and social science m ore generally, and thus their convergence still provokes surprise and curiosity. In the words of one colleague, “Food and memory? W hy would anyone w ant to rem em ­ ber anything they had eaten?” (see Sutton, 2001: 1) In this essay I wish to reflect on this question, and in keeping w ith the them e of this issue, pose the question in term s of “social” or “collective” memory. In w hat ways does food, ingested into individual bodies, feed social memory? Recently, a num ber of scholars have suggested that the topic of social m em oiy suffers from a lack of precision in definition, a lack of common methodology and a lack of theoretical development (Climo and Cattell, 2002; Golden, 2005; Holtzman, 2006). In this essay I hope to m ake a small contribution to clarity in exploring w hat we m ean by memory, how food is im plicated in very different types o f memory, and how these different types of m em ory relate to each other. This will not be a review of the burgeoning liter­ ature on this topic, since this has been done recently and thoroughly by H oltzm an (2006). Rather, I will draw on ethnographic exam ples from my fieldw ork on th e island o f Kalymnos, Greece to suggest social research Vol 75 : No 1 : Spring 2008 157 some of the ways th at food and m em ory can be productively thought together. SOCIAL MEMORY Social or collective memory, of course, em erges from the w ork of Halbwachs, who argues that memory is only able to endure in sustain­ ing social contexts (see Narvaez, 2006: 61). Connerton begins his book How Societies Remember (1989) w ith the claim “We generally think of m em ory as an individual faculty.” Connerton, however, sees social m em ory as having a crucial norm ative role in creating social orders and identities. As he puts it: “It is an im plicit rule that participants in any social order m ust presuppose a shared memory.” This is because, according to Connerton, divergent pasts would lead to the creation of divergent presents: “our images of the past commonly serve to legiti­ m ate a present social order” (1989: 3). One m ight be tem pted to criti­ cize Connerton here for a lingering functionalism, even if cloaked in the language of identity and power. In fact, Connerton, drawing from Marcel Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past, gives examples of the diver­ gence of mem ories betw een generations of “the sam e” social group, w hich may, as he suggests, lead to m iscom munication, but hardly to im m inent social breakdown. It would seem to be an empirical question how shared any particular social m emory is or needs to be. Most societies seem to tolerate a huge divergence of memories of all kinds: from episodic memories (Watergate, Vietnam), to bodily/habit memories (ability to play the piano; memories associated with first taste of sushi) to even the memories that m ake up the social categories that some argue are the very basis of “culture” (some Hawaiians categorized Captain Cook as a god, others a chief, others a plundering rogue). I raise this point not to criticize Connerton, but to suggest that memories can be deeply social in the sense o f being shaped by our interactions w ith the hum ans, objects, and institutions that m ake up society, w ithout neces­ sarily needing to be widely shared. This is, indeed, w hat Proust showed us, in describing deeply personal, embodied memories such as eating the Madeleine cookie dipped in tea, or tripping over a paving stone— 158...

This article explores the interaction between the state, society and the individual in the process of forging contemporary history in China. I discuss two distinctive categories in contemporary Chinese history, official history (zhengshi) and unofficial history (yeshi). By comparing and contrasting these two categories of history, I intend to show how history serves as an agent between past and present, and as a convenient tool for the state to formulate its political legitimacy in contemporary China. I do not intend to treat official and unofficial history as two exclusive categories to cover all the historical studies published in the People's Republic of China. The distinction of official history and unofficial history is made to facilitate discussion of the relationship between history and the state, and thus, these terms should be understood as representing alternate poles in a linear relation, with many other subcategories in between.Inquiries into the relationship between history and the state become more important when we study historiography in the People's Republic of China. Although traditional concept of official and unofficial history changed in the modern era, the state has continued the practice of controlling the sources and interpretations of history. The officially sponsored/recognized history still possesses much more authority than unofficial history. In order to justify his revolutionary theory and practice and to establish a new tradition, Mao and his Party pushed what I define as practice to the The politicization of historical study has greatly changed the direction of Chinese historiography and resulted in the domination of the attitude over studies of Chinese history. Not only did Mao controlled the interpretations of China's past, he also ambitiously intended to remold the worldview (gaizao shijie guan) of intellectuals and reshape the way historians conduct their research. By the end of the Cultural Revolution, the field of historiography in China had been pushed to an ahistorical extreme. Many intellectuals were purged during the politicization of historiography to reinforce the official ideology in historical study.In my study of unofficial history, I try to illustrate the discrepancy between the dominant official history and unofficial histories in terms of historical facts and perceptions of particular historical event. Unofficial history in contemporary China emerged as the result of the intensive politicization of Chinese society after 1949, which left little room for different opinions and even different academic opinions. Many works/manuscripts in the category of unofficial history, such as my study of the Lin Biao Incident, can still not be published in China. I will use different interpretations of the Lin Biao Incident to illustrate the interaction between official history, collective memory and individual memory in forging the history of contemporary China. I try to reconstruct the process by which particular political / social / personal events are transformed into recent history and to illustrate how different elements, official history, social memory, and individual perception, function in shaping or reshaping the recent past in the People's Republic of China.

春秋時期的夷夏觀念是學術上一個重要的議題，不但具有歷史意義，同時也具備經學上的意義。本文試圖結合這兩者進行探討，關注春秋當時的夷夏觀念為何，包含夷夏之間透過怎樣的標準進行區分，這種區分意識的運作具有何種性質與意義，以及這樣的觀念對《春秋》經傳的影響為何，《春秋》與三傳又闡發出具有何種特色的夷夏觀念。 在夷夏區分的標準方面，本文歸結當時建立於文化以及血緣兩項標準之上。不過當時各地的文化面貌相當複雜，顯出以文化區分的主觀特性。在透過秦、楚、吳為例探討夷夏身份歸屬問題時，發現秦被視為諸夏，楚被視為蠻夷，但是兩國在春秋時期卻同時不認為自己歸屬於夷或夏；吳則是姬姓國家被視為蠻夷，應是蠻夷國家透過血緣的攀附，試圖融入諸夏圈的案例。分析春秋時期的的夷夏關係時發現夷夏各國之間牽動的政治利益相當複雜，不利於族群認同的凝聚，因此將夷夏對立視為當時局勢的發展核心，恐有過於誇大的嫌疑。另一方面透過上國與辟陋這組政治地理觀念的產生，顯示春秋中晚期後族群意識正逐漸加強，代表春秋時期夷夏觀念的進一步開展，奠定之後發展的方向。 春秋時期的夷夏觀念提供了若干的養分，使得《春秋》與三傳吸收後轉化出儒家經典意義上的夷夏觀，這是本論文另一個側重的面向。孔子堅持夷夏的分別，這點顯現在《春秋》大義上，但是其夷夏觀念拋棄血緣區分，專注在文化上，並賦予更深刻的涵義。重視夷夏之別的孔子並不歧視蠻夷，也不贊成武力征討蠻夷而主張和平相處。三傳的夷夏觀雖有其不同的面貌，但是基本精神則是承襲孔子的夷夏觀而發展，形成儒家的詮釋傳統。而隨著《春秋》與三傳成為通經致用所憑藉的典範，《春秋》學上的夷夏觀就又輾轉影響後代的政治格局與思想，於是經學上的主張又回歸到歷史脈絡之中，夷夏觀也就成為中國政治歷史上重要的一環。

As an alternative to past research on “mainlanders” in the sociological, political and literature disciplines, which has mostly originated from the point-of-view of either the inter-dependant relationship between the governing political party (the KMT) and the nation state, or the “privileged” class placed on top of the social pyramid, this dissertation opts to discuss the autobiographies or memoirs of eight intellectual women, who travelled across the strait from Mainland China to Taiwan around 1949: namely Tseng Pao-sun, Su Xue-lin, Mao Yanwen, Xie Bing-ying, Luo Lan, Xiao Manqing, Qi Bangyuan, Hualing Nieh Engle. Through their narratives, this study tries to examine these women’s authentic life experiences, to understand their self-interpretations and strategic choices, and listens intently for a shared communal emotional structure and a collective consciousness. As a distinct genre that is both “individualistic” and “social”, “autobiography” does not just present the author’s subjective narrative, as there is also an inherent motive to communicate with the public. It is filled with both the autobiographer’s experiences intertwined with an era, and also her shared experiences in interaction with people of similar position and background. Autobiography can thus be regarded as taking on the mission of being the bearer of or even contesting for the “collective memory” of the community that the author belonged. Therefore, by analyzing the autobiographies of the first generation of intellectual female mainlanders, we will be able to understand how they extended their personal individual memories into becoming a part of collective memory of the Taiwanese society, how they embedded their private narratives into the public collective one and endowed their own lives with positive values and connotations in the face of such political, social and historical turmoil. Even though there exists some differences between their life experiences, there are two similar yet significant axis of identity reflected in the historical life narratives of the female autobiographers discussed in this study: one is of the modern intellectual woman who “encounters liberation” in the transitional period between the old and new era; the other is of the exile who has gone through national unrest, foreign threat and forced migration, and who keeps questioning where home is. Regarding female roles, they were dedicated to realizing “gender equality” instead of highlighting “gender difference”. They were devoted to the “grand narrative”, so that they could compete with men and were longing for acceptance there. To reach this goal, they molded a self that was both artistically and practically talented. Thus this became an important motivation for writing their autobiographies. On the other hand, the continuing turmoil and unrest following the Sino-Japanese War forced them to experience the destruction of their homeland, the melancholy of leaving home, the plight of the homeless diaspora, as well as the drastic carnage caused by war. This is how and why they were able to invoke a “mainlander’s” collective consciousness and identity in Taiwan. This dissertation does not intend to adopt a “grand” or “holistic” model to depict the “mainlanders” image. It would like to break through a singular point-of-view and to reveal some less noticeable images of mainlanders, so that more people can have a rounder and richer understanding of the “mainlander community”, and furthermore help enable other groups of people in Taiwanese society form a deeper or even a more forgiving understanding and compassion.