神聖的書寫－文字、經學與霸權

Since the concept of five elements existed, either the thinking of the five elements grow on each other or the thinking of the five elements eliminate each other, are both well-known; even the life style and the customs are still influenced by the concept nowadays. However the concept of five elements changed in alternative way during the early Chin Dynasty and the two Han Dynasties. The phenomenon of ＂valued earth＂ occurred in the five elements which originally share equally vital status. Starting from the definition of the ＂earth＂ in the context and the description about the earth element in the ancient literatures, ＂earth＂ is defined by three categories: definition, symbol, and extension in meaning of ＂earth＂ itself. They are ＂the creating creatures＂, ＂the achieving the four elements and the assisting the four seasons＂, and ＂the corresponding the sphere＂. ＂The creating creatures＂ is especially important among those beliefs. It could be developed into the concept of five elements and extended into ＂the achieving the four elements and the assisting the four seasons＂, then finally concluded in ＂the corresponding the sphere＂. Besides the discussion in the definition of earth, we also look into the politic environment of the Chin and two Han Dynasties then survey the period of the phenomenon of ＂valued earth＂ occurred. We might discoverer whether there were reasons caused the phenomenon to start during the Warring States, but focused in the two Han Dynasties and then disappeared after the period. However, the concept of ＂valued earth＂ was uncompleted, and it was only an accidental phenomenon, so I named it ＂The phenomenon of the valued earth in the concept of five elements during Chin Dynasty and two Han Dynasties＂.

Summary Guweishu as China’s first Chenwei specialty collection is considerably influential to the later School of Chenwei collection. So far there have been few research results related to the study of Guweishu, hence Guweishu needs urgently to be investigated by scholars. This topic belongs to the interdisciplinary research, which contains throughout the study of Confucian classics, Chenwei, philology, text communication, text analysis, and the ancient Chinese astronomy and calendar, and has the development value. Therefore, the author selects Guweishu as the research objects, and applies the methods of literature review, textual research and analysis, book-writing style investigation, and textual acceptance criticism to carry out the discussion, in the hope of doing their part and contributing to the Chinese academic thinking through combining the interpretation of the teaching of justice and Chenwei, so as to fit it to the direction of future development of academic research. Keywords: Guweishu, Sun Jue, Chenwei, Views on Chenwei Introduction Guweishu is China’s first written work that focuses on Chenwei literature and carries out a comprehensive compilation and annotation. It holds a very special position in the history of the study of Chenwei and Chenwei development. Because the book does not cite the place of references from the original text of Chenwei, later scholars find it very inconvenient to cite hence all turn to compile Chenwei themselves and criticize the lack of Guweishu, thus even though the book is the origin of Chenwei compilation specialty but it is unable to get the equivalent historical evaluation. Via the author’s summaries of the views from the Chin Dynasty, it is discovered that Guweishu’s controversies are mainly problems such as “cited annotation but no citation from the original text of Chenwei”, “disorderly editing styles”, “more description but little original points, objectives unclear”, “ordering of Chenwei different from others”. To focus on the above described problems and to carryout in depth research is the issue this thesis wants to solve. Materials and Methods After reviewing the current Guweishu and Chenwei research results and considered the direction this thesis can take, focusing on Guweishu’s research, the author first selects His- Tso Chien’s Shoushange Books in Series which mainly focuses on Guweishu and uses the various Chenwei compilations written works from Chin Dynasty as complements. This thesis aims to adapt the “literature compilation textual analysis method” to review the actual citations of Guweishu from the original text of Chenwei, and further adapts the “book editing style inquiry method” to analyze the reasons why Guweishu does not cite the references from the original text of Chenwei and other phenomena such as disorder editing styles. Secondly, adapting the “text analysis method” to review Guweishu’s compilation objectives and its themes of discussion, this is the main content for Guweishu text analysis. Finally, adapting “text acceptance research method” to explore Guweishu’s dissemination and accepted appearance in Chin Dynasty, and to restore the deserved value of Guweishu, such are the research method for this thesis. Result and Discussion Via the author’s research steps by “themes” to carry out discussions in different chapters, the several incomprehensible phenomena about Guweishu are now known, namely “unknown biography and works by Sun Jue”, “cited annotation but no citation from the original text of Chenwei”, “disorderly editing styles”, “inclusion of many non Chenwei texts”, “large reference of ancient text as annotation without explanation”, “ordering of Chenwei different from prior scholars”, “ordering of Chenwei different from other schools of studies”, “only listed the annotation but lacking an explanatory system” such issues, through this thesis’ chapters of discussion , various incomprehensive phenomena are discovered and all involve Sun Jue’s viewpoint on the meaning of Chenwei. Because of Sun Jue’s expectation on Chenwei compilation and interpretation many “Contigent” were produced in the compilation styles and interpretation content. Through the research of this thesis, five specific results are obtained, firstly “clarifying Guweishu’s sources of references from the Chenwei orginal, emphasizing the results of Chenwei compilation results in Ming Dynasty”, secondly, “ revealing Guweishu’s editing styles, clarifying the reasons for not citing Chenwei original”, thirdly “ comprehensive exploration of Guweishu’s content, elucidating Guweishu’s objectives”, fourthly “listing the acceptance condition by the Ching Dynasty, commenting on Guweishu’s influences in Ching Dynasty”. Conclusion This paper is the first attempt on conducting the comprehensive study aimed at the appearance of citation, compilation content, editing styles and dissemination acceptance such facets of Guweishu at home and abroad. With the aim to clear former negative and bias criticism about the book, hence via the discussion of this thesis in hope to carry out comprehensive review on Guweishu, enabling Guweishu to obtain its deserved objective evaluation in history of Chenwei development, so as to highlight (manifest) the value of Guweishu

During the last ten years, I have been studying the Confucian temple as a national cult. By ”national cult,” I mean a system of religious worship that also has political dimensions and is promoted by rulers throughout the territories they govern. Worship in the Confucian temple, with a history of more than two thousand years, is a fitting example of a national cult. Basic to my research program is my conviction that the Confucian temple was the converging point of political and cultural power in imperial China. After offering a very brief account of the role the Confucian temple has played in traditional society, my abstract will highlight the new comparative direction to be explored in the present article. As can easily be inferred by its name, the Confucian temple is devoted to worshipping Confucius (K'ung-tzu, 551-479 BCE), along with those who made major contributions to the Master's teachings through the centuries. While Confucius was but one, his disciples throughout history have been many. Therefore, the process of selecting faithful disciples-for inclusion in the temple was of crucial importance for the continuation of the worship system. The criteria of choosing authentic disciples often changed along with the intellectual climate. Besides changing in response to intellectual trends, the development of the Confucian temple also fluctuated along with the rise and fall of historical dynasties. Confucianism became a major factor in Chinese culture after it became the state ideology for the first time in 136 BCE, and worship in the Confucian temple eventually spread over the whole of China. Nonetheless, it took many centuries for Confucianism to achieve prominence as the state ideology. Moreover, even though it was the Han emperor who made Confucianism the state ideology, Wu-ti (141-87 BCE) paid no attention to the Confucian temple whatsoever. It was the usurper, Wang Mang (reined 9-23 CE), who deliberately bestowed official status on the worship of Confucius. Nevertheless, the critical moment in the temple's evolution came when the T'ang dynasty set up the so-called temple-school system (miao-hsueh chih). The T'ang ordered Confucian temples be established side by side with the official government schools in the capital down to local cities. The system, thus designed, provided the Confucian temple and the doctrines it embodied with the opportunity to become the major guide for educational policy. The performance of worship in the Confucian temple was thereby advanced to the ”world” (t'ien-hsia). It represented, at the same time, legitimacy for political rulers and orthodoxy for scholars; both rulers and scholars would contend to manipulate this cultural symbol for their collective interests. Yet, worship in the Confucian temple declined rapidly because of the disintegration of the Ch'ing regime at the beginning of the twentieth century, and the Confucian temple fell into oblivion. As an aspect of a historical religion, worship in the Confucian temple might be characterized under three points. (1) It has lasted for more than two thousand years, and its influence expanded from China to penetrate all of East Asia. (2) Its institutions were in accord with the national system of the administrative units of the country, and there were more than 1500 Confucian temples within China proper by the end of the Ming dynasty. (3) Although rulers and scholar-officials exclusively performed the rites of worship, they kept the genealogy of the descendants of Confucius unbroken. Originally, the Confucian temple was a place for ancestor worship and private use of Confucius' family; therefore, rulers could claim legitimacy for their worship by preserving and supporting the descendants of Confucius. But according to my study, the genealogy of the descendants of Confucius was interrupted as early as the end of the Han dynasty. Thus, claims about an unbroken line were false. The conclusions I previously reached are tentative; they are insufficient to show the specific characters of the cult of Confucius as a public religion because the ritual system of the Confucian temple was designed to meet the collective needs of the ruling class. It is not surprising that the masses felt remote from the temple. Hence, the weakness of my past study is obvious, for what I have done is within the context of Chinese tradition. Inevitably, my discussions can not escape the charge of being culturally bound or even ideologically loaded. In order to overcome the confines of cultural context, I undertook the present comparative study and cross-cultural research. I am exploring the cult of saints within Christianity for comparisons and contrasts with the nature and the process of canonization within the Confucian temple system. The cult of saints appears more local and social in nature, while the Confucian temple was centralized and highly political. To demonstrate such distinctions, four aspects of canonization within both traditions are discussed: the process of canonization, the standard of canonization, the social bases of the canonized, and their modes of beliefs. First, the central government's total control of Confucian canonization is in sharp contrast with the grass-roots movement of the Christian canonization. Second, the ruling class's strict manipulation of the Confucian canonization from its very beginning meant that Confucian sages would be far fewer in number than Christian saints. Accordingly, standards were different in kind and in quality. Third, an analysis of social origins of the canonized yields a further discrepancy between these two religious traditions. The Confucian sages-except for one member of a royal house-came entirely from the literati (shih) stratum. But, the Christian saints are indeed plural in their social origins even though most arose from the upper echelons of society. Finally, different attitudes towards relics, images and statues in the two religious traditions reflect the specific conceptions of holiness. Comparatively studying canonization systems enables us to say something about the nature and the scope of involvement by believers, as well as about the road to iconoclasm in the two traditions. All in all, I would make the point that the investigation of the practice of the Confucian canonization reveals that Confucianism as a state religion alienated from the masses. This alienation can be observed not only by the remoteness ordinary people feel toward the Confucian temple's sacred grounds, but also by comparisons to the process of Christian canonization. In addition, the comparative history of canonization also suggests why modem Chinese intellectuals, who have been so deeply impressed with the idea of such private religions as Christianity, have found it so hard to conceptualize Confucianism as a religion or even to grasp its specific religions character.

Second language writing development from a Complex Dynamic Systems Theory perspective:a multiple case-study of Hungarian learners of English

Because Confucianism after the Han dynasty became characterized as sacred and quasi-religious, few have clearly pointed out the hidden power relations behind the working of Confucianism. This article investigates these hidden power relations and considers the process of how Confucianism contributed to the formation of the Han Empire's imperialist ideology.Although Confucianism has strong idealist characteristics, it has a pragmatic side. Previous Confucians have tended to extract new thought and meaning pertinent to their historical moment by reinterpreting the Confucian classics. If one examines this self-adjustment of Confucianism by viewing it as apostasy, it is not easy to uncover its specific features. If one reads the literature and traces how the theories have changed, it is also impossible to touch upon the problems not mentioned in the text itself. Therefore it is important to uncover the meanings by reading in between the lines to discover the problems not directly stated in the literature or pointed out by the author.This paper focuses on how Han Confucianism developed into the core of imperialist ideology and examines several aspects of this process. In particular, it explores the hidden power relations behind the seemingly dignified Confucian theories. For example, it will examine the interdependence and interplay between Confucian ideas, imperial rule, and Confucianists' interests. The key areas explored are:1. The establishment of an imperial system and the featuring of Confucian values. How Shu Suntong and Lu Jia's suggestions for governance, ”Qichaoyi” (institutional rules for the court of emperors) and ”Yishunshouzhi” (sustain reign by accommodating subjects), provided Confucians with many opportunities.2. How ”shi” (gentlemen) defined themselves and pursued group power before the rise of Confucianism. This section examines how the zaoshi class, shi class, and shijiao (The Confucian Principle of Cultivation through The Book of Poetry) was structured in Hanshi Waizhuan (The Outer Commentary to the Book of Songs by Master Han).3. The pursuit of the proper order of ceremonies and rites and the establishment of imperialist ideology. Investigates Jia Yi and Dong Zhongshu's accomplished missions.4. Further discussion of imperialist ideology. Explores how imperial power interfered with right to interpret Confucianism in Baihutong (Treatise on the politico-philosophical discussions in the White Tiger Hall) thought.5. System of rites reforms, study of Confucian classics and maintaining rule: investigates the implications of the rise and fall of Temple of Prefecture and Kingdom in Western Han Dynasty.The Confucian class gradually obtained more controlling power in political-society through their promotion of Confucianism as part of the imperialist ideology. Youshi (itinerant literati) became shidaifu (scholarly gentry), a class that ruled the country with the emperor, with the power to counterbalance imperial power. The Confucian class became a new cultural bourgeoisie. Although the Confucian ideal still existed, it became a force that the imperial court had to contend with, and its high-sounding theories were no longer so pure. Confucian theories had now become intertwined with maintenance of the imperial system and protecting the rights of the shi class. Therefore, these aspects cannot be overlooked when reading these Confucian theories.

Chu Hsi is the main scholar of Song Dynasty Confucian studies and his major writing is Collected Annotations on The Four Books. Soon after Chu Hsi died, the Mongolian Yuan ruled China. Most of the Han intellectuals were not willing to serve as officials. They lived in seclusion and spent their days writing books. They read Chu Hsi's writings and wrote most of their scholarly essays and books on Chu Hsi. The most important books these intellectuals wrote are the works on The Four Books. Many scholars thought the works on The Four Books of the Yuan Dynasty Confucian scholars only explained Chu His's Collected Annotations. In fact, the Yuan scholars were quite practical; they supplemented and revised Chu His's Collected Annotations based on supporting evidence without relying on other scholars' opinion or being limited to any hidebound explanation. The Yuan Dynasty works on The Four Books displayed both inheritance and new development. This article takes Yuan scholar Hsu Ch'ien as an example, because Hsu Ch'ien was a Jinhua scholar, a true successor to Chu Hsi. By examining Hsu Ch'ien's Du Sishu Congshuo carefully, we discover that he not only esteemed and exalted Chu His's theory, but also supplemented and revised it. Hsu Ch'ien's academic performance resulted not only from his in-depth studies, but also from his teachers’ influence, especially from Wang Bo and Jin Luxiang. I discuss from varied perspectives the Yuan Dynasty works on The Four Books, Hsu Ch'ien's life and his writings, and Hsu Ch'ien's inheritance and development of Chu His's Collected Annotations. I hope my research will make up for negligence of and prejudice against Yuan Dynasty researches in history of Confucian Classics Studies, and it will be helpful in enhancing the Yuan Dynasty Four Books studies.

: Error Analysis is one of the major topics in the field of second language acquisition research. The learner of English as a second language is unaware of the existence of the particular system or rule in English language. The learner’s errors have long been interested for second and foreign language researchers. Some factors contributes in error of second language acquistion are habit formation relates to cultural background which bound their backgorund in education and another aspects. This paper attempts to investigate the notion of cultural background as the factors of errors in SLA which is the result of interference L1. The method that the researcher used is case study qualitative research, in which studying a phenomenon over time within its natural setting in one or a few sites. The result of the study indicates that cultural background, the society and education takes the big role in second language acquisition. The students with some English experiences even not native language, more adequate in comprehend the written form. Keywords : Error analysis, interference, second language acquisition

Research interest in second or foreign language (L2 or FL) vocabulary learning has been extended to encompass the field of computer-assisted language learning (CALL) in an attempt to improve competence in communication. In this study, a technology-enhanced strategy use (TESU) system was designed to engage L2 learners in the deeper processing of vocabulary while learning new lexical items. TESU enables learners to employ a range of available vocabulary learning strategies (e.g., keyword strategy), as well as e-tools (e.g., drawing and mind mapping) provided in the TESU system to practice English vocabulary outside of the classroom. The purpose of this study was to examine the impact of the prototype TESU system on the young learners' vocabulary gain. Two intact classes of 47 sixth graders were randomly assigned as the experimental and control groups. The instruments used included an online vocabulary pre-test administered prior to the treatments, and an online vocabulary post-test as well as a written recall test following the treatments. The preliminary results derived from the Independent-samples t-test indicated that the experimental group performed better than the control group in terms of vocabulary gain as the post-test and the vocabulary written recall reached a level of significance (p ＜ .05). The findings also demonstrate the feasibility of utilizing the TESU system to learn new vocabulary and to collect data concerning the learners' vocabulary strategy use. Furthermore, this study provides evidence that the TESU system can encourage students to practice some useful but infrequently-employed strategies (e.g., the mnemonic keyword method).

《紅樓夢》的研究，為中國古典文學研究中最饒富趣味的課題，各個層面的探討，均為紅學探微抉奧。本文從佛教治療學的角度，探討《紅樓夢》作者透過病／罪的書寫，一方面警戒世人，一方面自我療癒。文中呈現幾項重點：一、心病佛藥的治本作用：如黛玉的痴病、寶釵的熱毒、賈瑞的邪思妄動等心病，均由一僧一道應病予藥，對世人的貪、瞋、痴三毒作根本性治療。二、冤孽因果的還報作用：前世的情感冤孽，此生以眼淚、死亡、中邪等方式加以償還；前世種惡因、造惡業，今生即必須承受果報。前者如馮淵／甄英蓮／薛蟠、寶玉／黛玉、寶玉及鳳姐／趙姨娘；後者如鳳姐及尤二姐。三、懺情悔罪的淨化作用：作者一則愧對天恩祖德，一則懺悔生命中歷歷有人之女子，對一己的深情摯愛，故以書寫《紅樓夢》來自悔罪愆，投射到小說主人翁賈寶玉的心理，則是對家族罪惡的咎責，以及大觀園中所有因他而死亡或遭受苦難的姐妹們，深懷愧疚與追悔。四、以情悟道的昇華作用：作者以「情」來書寫創傷記憶，以「悟」來昇華苦痛，以「道」作為療傷止痛之藥方。儒家經濟之道是作者及賈寶玉所深惡憎厭的；神仙莊子之道又無法安頓身心靈；作者遂逐漸走上佛教空性思考的道路。綜合上述四者，《紅樓夢》作者援用佛教經論中的夢、幻、水月、鏡花等意象，來展現明空不二的覺性能量，以對治世人的病苦罪業。唯有佛法的「空性」證悟，對《紅樓夢》作者而言，才是終極的療癒之道。

This article deals with the text of an important commentary of Laozi in the early Tang Dynasty by Li Rong. We shall analyze the academic position of the commentary and discuss the epistemological and ontological understanding found in this double-negation school writing. We shall deal with three important issues: the Dao discourse (including double-negation discourse), the self-cultivation discourse, and the governing discourse. We will attempt to answer a number of important questions. First, what was the starting point for Li Rong's double negation thinking? Second, what is the ultimate meaning of double negation in Li Rong's work? Third, what does Li Rong mean by the concept of the ”void and ultimate origin” (虛極之理)? Fourth, how does Buddhist thinking influence Li Rong's double negation? Finally, how does the divine differ from and interact with the secular? The core thesis will dwell on the concept that the ideal and sacred order fuses with the practical and secular order by way of the thinking of double negation. The ideas of mind (心) and essence or nature (性) - acknowledged as the essence of Dao (道性) in Li Rong's commentary will also be important concerns in this paper. The paper will also touch upon some other important issues. First, it will explore the relationship between the Daoist School, Confucian School and Buddhism during the Han dynasty, Wei-Jin era and Sui-Tang era. Second, the hierarchy of the political and religious affairs will be expounded on. This will be followed by discussion on the body and the state, looking at whether the physical or mental should be emphasized, body formation in the state building process, and the Buddhist influenced interpretation of Laozi. The ”Laozi Commentary by Li Rong” reflects the political and religious situation at the time and conveys the internal essence of the political discourses of Daoism, the Confucian School, and Buddhism on the Daoist religion. Undoubtedly this writing itself is a part of the process of state formation or building and the result of the dominance of political power during the Tang dynasty.

Sean-Sue Da-Zuang, Fu-Sun’s explanatory book of Sean-sue written in the Han Dynasty, was fragmentary in the Soong Dynasty and it disappeared in the Chin Dynasty. The scholars of Chin Dynasty knew the importasnce of Sean-Sue Da Zuang, thus, they worked on reconstructing the Sean-Sue Da-Zuang through the re-collection of Sean-Sue Da Zuang. Among the various reconstructed versions, Chen So-Chi’s Sean-Sue Da-Zuang Din Bin was highly praised by all the scholars due to its accuracy and comprehensiveness. The earliest Chen’s version called Chen’s Printing was collected in the Zoe-Hi Chang Gee; but the style and fonts of Chen’s Printing were inconsistent. It gave people the impression of thoughtless publishing. To rectify this perception, Cheng Lee recompiled Chen’s Printing and republished it. This article is to compare both Chen’s Printing and Cheng Lee’s recompiled version. It compares the similarity and difference of two versions in the following two categories: (1) style change and (2) Error correction. It also provides real examples and in-depth explanations of those differences. Last but not least, it supplies pros and cons on both versions. Hopefully, it will help readers to better understand Chen So-Chi’s version.

The thesis is entitled “Laugh and Damn: Ping-Dain on Luh Yay Seen Tsung”, which was written in terms of the multidimensional aspects during the Mid-Chin Dynasty. This novel mainly features its own personal critiques. Moreover, the thesis aims to shed light on the critiques between the texts of the novel. There are two dimensions worth noticing. One is laugh; the other is damn. Both of them embody the carnival of Bakhtin’s theory and possess the power of subversion and liberation. Critics, in fact, are a group of unofficial intellectuals illustrating the hilarious folk cultures between the texts in Luh Yay Seen Tsung, ranging form laughter, diet, excretion, discoronation, grotesque to filthy languages. The analysis of laughing theory and the culture of foul languages can reinforce another dimension of novels in Chin Dynasty. Overall, the thesis consists of six chapters. Chapter one first interprets its motivation, meanings and the significant reviews of the study. It briefly reveals the analyses of the version and genre in Luh Yay Seen Tsung. Furthermore, it demonstrates the theories and methods employed in the thesis. Chapter two introduces the critics’ critiques that are irrelevant to novel texts, further probing into the similar life experiences and perspectives about the author and critics. Eventually, it respectively deals with critics’ world perspectives on the behalf of the middle and low class. Chapter three discusses the narrative theory of Master Chin Sheng-Tan, inclusive of the narrative manners. Chapter four revolves around the laugh in the critiques. In addition, Bakhtin’s carnival theories elaborate excretive literatures, dietary meanings, analyzing the representation of laughter in the critiques. Chapter five lays emphasis on the foul languages and irony, including humorous implications of grotesque body, excretive critiques and a great number of filthy languages. All this is characteristic of Luh Yay Seen Tsung. Chapter six is the conclusion, further establishing Luh Yay Seen Tsung as the historical meaning.

This paper is the development and dynamics of a second language (second language) is growing and growing complexity of the problem. Changes in language functions not only as a symbol of the meaning and role of language itself. Foreign language or unfamiliar called Second Language separate position of the main language of a community that is on the plains just a second language, in other words that a foreign language has become a stigma in society that desperately needed foreign language and foreign language only as an additional language course. Arabic is a second language (second language) of the Indonesian national language or even a third language after English are certainly more dominant in its use. The use of foreign languages, especially Arabic, those who have never completely make its own difficulties than ever learned although the plateau region of Religious functional. Because the general assumptions of society that learning Arabic for religious study, not as the language required in the professional worl d with the exception of professional educators and Arabic religion itself, in addition to the general assumptions mentioned above, the existence of stigma and stereotypes in the general public, that the Arabic language difficulty of the grammatical and vocabulary. Learning a foreign language or second language (second language) for the beginner even among expert (advanced) require extra effort and thought, especially when faced with the indicators or achievements success in learning Arabic, then there is an emotional effect and anxiety or anxious. And not just on the plains of the learning process, but when faced with situations and conditions that should be required to use the Arabic language properly and smoothly. But indirectly also the presence of anxiety, fear and anxiety when in a foreign language (Arabic) occurred mistakes. Giving rise to the psychological impact of a sense of fear and anxiety. When learning a language is accompanied by feelings or unstable psychiatric (anxiety, panic and stress), the achievement of language, learning a foreign language will decrease Keywords: Foreign, Second, Arabic, Anxiety, Profession, Nursing

The epistemological goal of indigenous psychology is to construct a series of formal theoretical models which should be able to represent the universal structure of human minds on the one hand, and account for people's specific mentalities in indigenous culture on the other hand. In order to attain this goal, three levels of breakthrough must be made for the sustainable progress of indigenous psychology: philosophical reflection, theoretical construction, and empirical research. In my book Confucian Relationalism, I explained how I constructed the Face and Favor model which may reflect the deep structure of universal human mind for dealing with interpersonal relationships. Then I used it as a framework to analyze the inner structure of Confucianism which might enable us to understand the specific mentality of people living in Confucian society. The attributes of Confucian ethics were analyzed from the perspective of modern ethics, and a series of mini-theories had been constructed on the presumption of relationalism to integrate findings of previous empirical researches on social exchange, achievement motivation, concept of face, quanxi and organizational behaviors, and strategies of conflict resolution in Confucian society. Through the efforts of this book, it is expected that we may not only achieve the epistemological goals of indigenous psychology, but also establish the research tradition of Confucian relationalism in social psychology.

From its early founding, Goguryeo embraced Confucian studies from China. At the time Goguryeo was established, the Han Dynasty saw the rise in popularity of the study of Confucian classics, which focused on researching The Five Classics, the core texts of Confucianism. Due to differences in script and textual versions, Confucian studies were divided into New Text Confucianism, written in the official script of the Han Dynasty, and Old Text Confucianism. New Text Confucianism placed particular emphasis on The Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, which sought to elucidate the Way of Heaven through concepts like yin-yang, the five elements, and auspicious and catastrophic signs, while stressing the interaction between Heaven and Man. It was also connected to divination thought. New Text Confucianism emphasized textual interpretation, such as exegesis, to clarify the original meanings of the classics. 『The History of The Three Kingdoms』, in the Goguryeo Annals, contains numerous records related to auspicious and catastrophic signs from the kingdom’s founding to its fall. This indicates that Goguryeo was strongly influenced by Han Dynasty Confucian studies from an early period. The New Text and Old Text Confucian studies were later unified and systematically compiled by Zheng Xuan(鄭玄) during the Later Han Dynasty The pinnacle of Zheng Xuan's thought lay in ritual studies. Zheng Xuan provided annotations on The Three Rites, with a particular focus on the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou). This marked a shift in Han Dynasty Confucianism from a focus on Spring and Autumn Annals studies to a focus on ritual studies. During the Wei and Jin period, metaphysics became popular, particularly around Luoyang, though it was not a nationwide trend. Following the Wu Hu(five non-Han people) uprisings in the early 4th century, the Northern and Southern Dynasties emerged, each showing distinct ideological tendencies. In the South, metaphysics and a metaphysical approach to Confucian studies became popular, while in the North, Zheng Xuan’s approach to the study of Confucian classics continued to be widely practiced. It was natural for Goguryeo, which shared a border with the Northern Dynasties, to be influenced by them due to geographic proximity. In the 4th century, King Sosurim of Goguryeo established the Taixue(太學), officially recognized Buddhism, and promulgated a code of law. Additionally, King Gogugyang organized the Ancestor’s Shrine System. With the establishment of the Taixue, Goguryeo provided education in Confucian classics, specifically using the texts annotated by Zheng Xuan. Thus, the organization of the Ancestor’s Shrine System was influenced by Zheng Xuan’s teachings, which emphasized ritual systems. The establishment of ritual systems was closely related to the strengthening of royal authority and the establishment of a centralized government. Through the founding of the Taehak and the reorganization of the Ancestor’s Shrine System, Goguryeo established ritual systems and strengthened its legal system by promulgating codes of law. Consequently, after the 4th century, Goguryeo's state and political system developed into a unified, centralized system of governance centered around royal authority. Consequently, after the 4th century, Goguryeo’s state and political system evolved into a centralized, monolithic governance structure centered on royal authority. However, while Goguryeo reformed its institutions following the Chinese model, it also retained a significant portion of its own traditional customs. Strengthening the worship of Jumong and establishing the Temple of Jumong across the nation is a notable example of this. Additionally, there were slight differences in the recognition of animals symbolizing auspicious omens compared to China. This illustrates that while Goguryeo adopted Chinese Confucianism, it operated in a way that was subjectively tailored to its own circumstances.