戴震「由詞通道」的學術思想體系－以經驗取向的新義理學爲論述主軸

Because of the remote past, and insufficient literature, opinions were widely divided regarding the ancient rites of ”Di” and ”Xia” in all the past dynasties. The scholars of Eastern Han Dynasty were good at proper division into chapters and sentences and explanatory notes in ancient books, and were able to gather the advantages of classical style prose and modern style prose; however, Zheng Zhong, Zheng Xuan, and Wang Su had same or different opinions about ”Di” and ”Xia,” and they laid particular stress on diverse points. In Tang and Song Dynasties, the scholars adopted the attitude of correction and criticism for the theories of Han Dynasty, yet the exposition of each school was still varied. Hence, the interpretation of ”Di” and ”Xia” became more complicated.In Qing Dynasty, with the development of academic activities during the period under the reign of Emperor Qianlong and Emperor Jiaqing, the scholars followed and inherited the theories of Han Dynasty, there was the so-called tradition of domestic discipline and specialty, the study of rites had become a specialized scholarship, and the climate of texture research of study of rites took shape; generally speaking, the scholars that researched the study of rites could trace back the ancient classics, and take textual criticism as the approach of study. Hu Peihui of Jixi inherited the school of Anhui and the knowledge of family legacy, and he was objective at researching the study of rites; on the whole, he learned from Zheng Xuan to explain the classics; however, he still did make a lot supplement, textual criticism and mistake correction on Zheng's theory. Therefore, his method of citing ”examples” to research the study of rites is worthwhile to explore.In Hu's book of ”Q & A of Di and Xia,” he started from the textual research of system of ceremonial forms, institutions, decrees and regulations, inspected and made a survey of the examples of ancient classics repeatedly, and commented on Zheng Xuan's argument, desiring to present a reasonable argument of ancient rites of ”Di” and ”Xia.” The dissertation took three dimensions to expound the rite theory of ”Di” and ”Xia” in ”Q & A of Di and Xia,” namely, the definition of ”Di” and ”Xia,” putting ”Di” and ”Xia” into practice in accordance with the interval of the time, and the examination of ancient theory of Zheng Xuan; moreover, he added the opinions of several Confucianists in Qing Dynasty as indirect evidence to deliberate the similarities and dissimilarities. Generally speaking, Hu's observation for ”Di” and ”Xia” were distinct from the knowledge of Confucianists in Qing Dynasty and previous dynasties; he learned from Zheng Xuan, yet rebutted Zheng Xuan's theory, and his opinions were partially same as or different from the ancient theory; his intention of positioning ”Di” and ”Xia” actually has an unique value, and it may establish and prepare a theory for academic circles.

One of the development features of the academic research in the Qing Dynasty is the emergence of prospective of academic history. Confucians in the Qing Dynasty held great ambition to distinguish boundary between disciplines and carefully analyze boundary and difference among various kinds of knowledge of Classics, Shi, Zi and Wen through this perspective. So, this paper will discuss, under this perspective, the classification of distinguishing the academic chapter and examining the origin and branch Ruan Yuan Circle did against the literature in 18th century of the middle of the Qing Dynasty which leaded it to free from constraint of writing being for conveying the truth and promoted literature to stand alone to become a potential school of pure literature emerged in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic. In this paper it holds the opinion that behind the dispute of parallel prose and prose in the Qing Dynasty it is not completely the result of debate between Sinology and Song Learning but Qing Confucians should hold a bigger target. Therefore, the writer basically puts in order literature views from the Tang Dynasty, Song Dynasty to the middle of the Qing Dynasty and gets the results that the theory of writing being for conveying the truth was deep in scholars’ mind, whether the “truth” refers to social function of music education or formal meaning of heavenly principles and natural law. In short, writing should primarily link truth, translate truth and convey truth, and especially through the way of compiling collection it further commit and promote the effect of spreading this theory. Facing thousand-year long obstacles, scholars of Ruan Yuan Circle struggled to hold the opinion that the works in the Six Dynasties should be the very literature, and even collected and explored school vein of literature from Wenyanzhuan of Confucius to The Four Books of the Min Dynasty with the purpose that made literature to be an independent discipline different from Neo-Confucianism, study of Chinese Classics, Historical Science and Confucianism. As a result, they took theory of verse and prose and Zhao Min Selected Works as their theoretical basis and first criticized the works of eight great writers, praised highly by the later generations, in the Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty in thought that the content of these works were all in the fields of the Classics, History and Confucianism but not writings. They, therefore, through discrimination and propagation of theory, stated that literature should have features of antithesis and rhyme on form and content and should express one’s feeling by using rhetoric but not be restricted to outmoded conventions and old laws. Secondly, they showed their spirit of being practical and realistic through the way of worshipping scholars of the six dynasties and declared that their concept of literature didn’t words without basis. The Preface of the Selected Works held the principle that it would not select anything but literature writing, and that’s why it was thought highly by Ruan Yuan Circle. Under the study style of character being the first in the Qing Dynasty, Ruan Yuan was the first putting forward the view of ancient Chinese fiction sharing the same origin and school with verse and prose which resulted that the research to Selected Works was badly influenced and it embodied in analysis to Annotation of Li Shan and even thought on the same level of Xv Xuan, Xv Kai and Cao Xian, Li Shan. Therefore, scholars in the Qing Dynasty thereby opened another scholastic trend of science of name and object system, car and clothes in palace, and grass, wood, bird and beast in the Selected Works. The scholars in Ruan Yuan Circle not only introspected ancient Chinese and the Eight Great Men of Letters of the Tang and Song Dynasties, but also promoted the research of Dragon-carving and the Literary Mind. Besides, the emergence of rudiment of viewpoint of literature history was inherited and praised by literary historians in the early Republic. This achievement was formed on the basis of the prospective of literary history. Its influence involved until Zhang Taiyan, Liu Shipei and Huang Kan in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic who all inherited and proposed the theories that the basic lesson was that writing should be form with rhetoric and that the ancient writers were all Confucians in the Min Dynasty. On the other hand, they didn’t accept completely but did some change and even criticized Ruan Yuan in some place. Now, it went into the nest phase of complicated and versatile literary transformation.

As the concluding part of a series of essays on theories of humanity in the Zhuangzi , this essay aims at describing the theme of qing 情 (emotion) as a dual-directional attitude towards qing as a partner to xing 性 (nature) and the influence of this domain of thought on later generations and their continued discussion of it. Faced with a forcible divorce of qing and xing at the hand of Han Dynasty Ruists, which would lock perceptions into a rigid dualist framework, the Wei and Jin period saw authors such as Wang Bi and Ji Kang return to a more faithful rendering of the theme of qing in the classics, the Laozi and Zhuangzi , seeing it become an ever more explicit philosophical topic and beginning a lengthy period of discussion of the theme of qing . In the Northern Song period, representative thinkers Zhang Zai and Wang Anshi The Northern Song tradition constitute a continuance of Pre-Qin Daoist philosophical ideas, providing a logical reinterpretation of the indivisibility of qing and xing from a syncretist approach to the Daoist and Ruist traditions, in a way that drastically differs from the Southern Song preference for xing at the cost of qing , as represented by thinkers such as the Brothers Cheng and Zhu Xi. At the bottom of it, this continued tradition draws from themes that appear in the Zhuangzi , a holistic approach to life and the relationship between humanity and nature, an important and continuous thread in the fabric of human civilisation.

During the reigns of Qianlong and Jiaqing when textology was very popular, Zhuang Cunyu, who came from Changzhou, focused on studying Confucian classics. Not only did he love prose and poetry, he also wrote Chunqiu zheng ci, which elucidates Gongyang's terse and significant statements. Although Zhuang did not fully devote his efforts to exalting the studies of Gongyang, nor did he reject ancient literary studies, his relatives and others made the Changzhou School of Thought an independent clique. Zhuang's son Zhuang Shuzu, grandson Liu Fenglu, as well as Song Xiangfung enhanced and glorified the studies of Gongyang. The Changzhou School of Thought later influenced the reform ideas of Zizhen Gong and Yuan Wei during the reigns of Jaiqing and Daoguang. Furthermore, this school of thought became the mainstream during the late Qing Dynasty and was the theoretical weapon that Kang Youwei used during the Hundred Day's Reform.In addition to elucidating this school of thought, this paper will trace the developmental process of modern literature during the reigns of Qianlong, Jiaqing and Daoguang. It argues that it transitioned from ”theories on studying” to ”theories of politics.” This article will also discuss reasons why scholars like Liu Fenglu and others advocated for He Xiu's explanations as the mainstream of the Gongyang style of studies. Furthermore, the Analects of Confucius will be analyzed in light of the Gongyang style. The essay then discusses Gong Zizhen and Yuan Wei's interpretation of other classics by using Gongyang Zhuan Disclosure, as well as their ”quoting classics to support political ideas” with principles in these classics to found their concepts of reform during the reigns of Jiaqing and Daoguang. These developments influenced the trend of thoughts in the late Qing Dynasty. Therefore, the popularity of modern literature in the Qing Dynasty is significant for studies of both intellectual history and academic history. The research is based on archival records and will begin with analysis of Zhuang Cunyu, Kong Guangsen, Liu Fenglu, Song Xiangfung, Zizhen Gong and Yuan Wei to trace how ”theories on studying” shifted to ”theories of politics” and led to the revival of modern literature in the Qing Dynasty.

Hui Dong and Zhang Hui-Yan were the two representative scholars of Zhouyi (周易; The Book of Changes) in the Qing Dynasty. Unlike Jiao Xun’s forsaking Hanyi (漢易; the study of Zhouyi in the Han Dynasty) and devising new interpreting methods, Hui and Zhang’s interpretations are strictly based on Hanyi, and this shows their belief in Hanxue (漢學; the study of Confucian classics in the Han Dynasty). In addition to a variety of books, they also expanded some ideas and methods about Hanyi research, which had widespread influence until the late Qing Dynasty. Recent researches on Hui Dong and Zhang Hui-Yan mostly emphasized that they surveyed almost all the documents about Hanyi, paid much attention to approaches to grammatology, phonology, and semantics, and reconstructed the long-obscure Hanyi. That is the reason why many scholars nowadays comment that Hui and Chang’s interpretations of Zhouyi are just paraphrases of those of the scholars in the Han Dynasty, which shows Hui and Chang’s ingenuity. Moreover, they overemphasize Image-numberology (象數) and downplay the moral philosophy (義理). Although these criticisms are justifiable to some extent, they fail to uncover the uniqueness of Hui and Chang’s interpretations compared with those of the scholars in the Han Dynasty. Consequently, this thesis focuses on two aspects──“ancient interpretations” (考古義) and “extensive interpretations,” (自為解釋) and lays more emphasis on the latter. “Ancient interpretations” are derived from objectively analyzing and comprehending the rules scholars in the Han Dynasty followed to explain Zhouyi. “Extensive interpretations” are developed from the foundations laid by the ancient interpretations. They extend, replenish, and even amend the ancient ones to form a unique theory system of Zhouyi. Former researches on Hui and Zhang overstated “ancient interpretations” and understated “extensive interpretations.” As a result, the differences between the scholars’ interpretations in the Han Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty were not accentuated. This thesis starts with exploring the status and evaluation of Hanyi before Hui Dong promoted Hanyi, and then explains how Hanyi materials were progressively utilized to annotate Zhouyi in the early Qing Dynasty. Chapter 2 and 3 discuss Hui and Zhang’s theory systems of Zhouyi respectively. Besides exhibiting and comparing their contribution to the research of “ancient interpretations,” the two chapters elaborate on the core thoughts of their “extensive interpretations.” Hui Dong applied his unique thought of Zhouyi to Zhongyong (中庸) and Liyun (禮運), and developed his own practical theory and Mingtang System (明堂制度). Zhang Hui-Yan, basing his thoughts on the annotations of Yu Fan, reconstructed a unique theory of “Xiaoxi,” (消息) and applied it to explaining human affairs, ancient decrees and regulations. Finally, the last chapter sorts out the similarity between Hui and Zhang’s interpretations, lists some scholars of Zhouyi influenced by Hui and Zhang in the Qing Dynasty, and furthermore reveals five distinguishing features of Hanyi in the Qing Dynasty.

Dai-Zhen, Ching Dynasty, was born between Yong-Zheng and Qian-Long two emperors. Because of the fall of Ming Dynasty, the academic trend at the time shifted from pure theoretic practices to practical applications. This change provided the study of Chi an environment to mature. Thus, under this kind of atmosphere, Dai- Zhen switched from a firm supporter of Cheng-Chu Neo -Confucianism to opposing them; going as far as stating their principals contain elements of Buddhism and Daoism, therefore cannot represent the ideas of Confucius. This prompted him to try to find the true meaning of Confucius' ideas by studying old documents. Dai- Zhen complemented Lo-Chin Shun and Wang-Ting's idea of Chi, using ”Yin-Yang and five elements, concrete content of the change of Chi” to illustrate how the different ratios of elements in a body can create various changes. Not only does this theory rationally explained the versatility of the world, it also pointed out how unpractical Cheng-Chu's ”metaphysics” theory is at performing such task. Dai-Zhen also placed a great emphasis on the practical application of Chi, thinking that Chi can go through visible and invisible, not only diminishing the differences between man and nature, but also possessing a virtuous meaning. This implied that man has the ability to exercise virtuous deeds, making this versatile world not only humanistic, but also proving the value of man. So through Dai-Zhen's analyzing of Chi, we can conclude that in his understanding, nothing of this world is born without the aid of the Ying and the Yang.

SUMMARY “Yuan Dao” the dao body mainly for the ontology elaboration, the natural elaboration, the essential elaboration, is a multi-dimensional combination theory system.Its content: （1） has characteristic of the nature.（2） includes the strong humanities.（3） emphasis classics and sage's function.4, advocated can pass the standpoint which changes suitably. The meaning of dao essence theory has an effect in the creation of rhetoric using and is primarily based upon the quality of nature, the quality of authoritativeuidance, and the principle of change. Furthermore, he does not separate literary genre and dao essence theory, but combines both concepts, to allow dao essence theory to be placed into the writing of literary genre. This allows the author’s feeling and aspirations to congeal with the essence of literary genre and conform with the natural principle of creativity. The origin of each literary genre is interrelated with the Five Classics, allowing the use of literary genre to conform with the Classics.Last is the rhetorical conception of literary genre and form, which must undergo the author’s change of literary diction to complete. INTRODUCTION “Yuan Dao” in Wenxin diaolong (Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons) is an important metaphysical concept in Liu Xie’s theoretical and interpretive process, thus acting as a core for the support of theoretical structures. This metaphysical concept allows his literary theory to be investigated more deeply. Liu absorbed previous the results of previous philosophical thinking and mastered them through comprehensive study—to then create a theory of dao essence and system of self. The meaning of dao essence theory is not merely a metaphysical concept of philosophy, for it possesses in the entirety of literary theory an original principle. Even though it is used as rhetoric in writing, it still has its function. MATERIALS AND METHODS Through greater textual exploration and analysis, it can be seen that Liu Xie’s dao essence theory does not only deliberate on the “yuan dao” chapter, but in fact, the chapters pertaining to the origin of wen such as “yuan dao,” “zheng sheng,” “zong jing,” “zheng wei,” and “bian sao,” all act to construct important chapters of his dao essence theory; only by a comprehensive analysis can we understand the dao essence theory in its entirety. Liu Xie absorbed previous the results of previous philosophical thinking and mastered them through comprehensive study—to then create a theory of dao essence and system of self. His dao essence theory, primarily elucidates the question of being, which is interrelated with Wang Bi’s philosophical thinking. As a figure living in the turbulent Six Dynasties Era, Liu Xie the universally accepted discourse on the natural, of which is one of the characteristics of the dao essence concept. By understanding dao essence in Wenxin diaolong, we can master its substance, which continues the cognitive traditions of Dong Zhongshu philosophical thinking, Yi zhuan, as well as Ruan Ji’s Heaven and Humanity relationship. From these points of analysis, we can be sure that Liu Xie’s dao essence theory is a theoretical system of diverse synthesis and is not limited to any school or system of thought. This is what we need to master the literature. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The meaning of dao essence theory has an effect in the creation of rhetoric using and is primarily based upon the quality of nature, the quality of authoritative guidance, and the principle of change. The principle of nature points to a creative method and position based on “acting on the external from the internal” (you nei er wai), “writing from the mind” (wei wen yong xin), “confluence of feeling and essence” (qing zhi xiangfu). This position conforms with the patterns of the dao essence theory and is an unchanging principle in the creative process. Thus, the use of rhetoric in the creative process must be in accordance with this position, to then not violate the dao essence. On the other hand, it may be changed into an overly ornate and decorated style that was criticized by Liu Xie. The use of rhetoric is also regulated by authoritative guidance. This authoritative guidance is, simply put, the classics; it can be termed the spirit of zong jing (“Elevating the Classics”). The authority of Zong jing exists as a model of classics. It is the paragon of natural writing that is exemplified as “to speak the mind and speak through literature” (dao xin er dao wen). Through the function of human culture, it gains status in its original meaning. Classics act as the fountainhead of literary genre. It is also the origin of creativition, which makes it necessary for the function of rhetoric to reach back logically into the source of the classics. The principle of change points to the necessary tendencies toward development in literature. Fixed and unchanged, literature will remain stagnant, and thus the way of literature will fail to epitomize the way of the mind. “Zheng wei” and “Qu sao” precisely echo this type of positioning in chapter and topic. In emphasizing the natural way and the authority of the classics, it magnifies the rationalizing and necessity of changing diction, to then allow writing to continue acclimating to different periods, authors, and topics. CONCLUSION Liu Xie contemplates deeply in his investigation of literary genre. In this process, he arranges specific writing methods and rhetoric usage. Furthermore, he does not separate literary genre and dao essence theory, but combines both concepts, to allow dao essence theory to be placed into the writing of literary genre. From this, he constructs his theoretical framework. The driving principle of literary genre is in its construction process, which follows the pattern of creating literature through true feeling. This allows the author’s feeling and aspirations to congeal with the essence of literary genre and conform with the natural principle of creativity. The origin of each literary genre is interrelated with the Five Classics, allowing the use of literary genre to conform with the Classics. Here, there are six series of literary genres, which can be categorized as a combination of the Five Classics and Chu ci as origins, and match both literary diction style. Last is the rhetorical conception of literary genre and form, which must undergo the author’s change of literary diction to complete. This allows the expressive forms to possess different possibilities. Furthermore, in regards to the usage of literary diction in literary genres, no matter what genre, its diction will still need to follow models of the natural principle, elevation of the Classics, and the principle of change. Creative rhetoric perpetually needs a kind of method that reaches out externally from an internal source, to then conform with the language of the author’s emotions and breadth of mind. Any creation must still return to the source of wen—Classics, and the allusion to ancient times as the method of writing. Liu Xie follows this method and arranges the Six Meanings of the Elevated Classics for later generations, to become a functional principle for any creative rhetoric. Furthermore, the individual, groups, and generations are all factors that influence creativity. The author’s personal talent, feeling, learning, habits, and the period in which he lived all become the creative impetus of the author. In addition, it is the fountainhead in which he acts internally on the external, as well as write from true emotion. This will naturally give his expression a rich and diverse literary style, which makes changing creative rhetoric absolutely necessary. Since this congeals with the positions of the elevation of the Classics, the essence of literary genre, as well as historical tradition, creativity will then need to regulate and adapt to change.

The opposition between Han Learning 漢學 and Song Learning 宋學 has long been the focal point of research on the ”Han-Song debate” 漢宋之爭 of Qing dynasty literati. In fact, in Qing intellectual history, the meaning of the ”Han-Song debate” was not limited to these two schools as such. It was also a reflection of the tensions between classical study 窮經 and virtue 進德, and between textual study 考據 and principle 義理, issues which were internal to the Han Learning school of the Qing. With the development of the trend to ”pursue knowledge for knowledge's sake,” Han Learning ran counter to the Confucian learning that stressed personal moral cultivation and practical ordering of the world. Nonetheless, Han Learning was squarely within the domain of Confucian learning and thereby governed by its own internal limitations. It could not admit to any theoretical knowledge independent of ”principle.” The Han Learning scholars of the Qing thus faced a tension that was internal to their school, while they strongly pursued textual studies, at the same time they had to limit this interest to make sure it did not lead away from virtue and principle. This is precisely the deeper significance of the ”Han-Song debate” in Qing intellectual history. Since the late Qing, following the West, China began to adopt a new taxonomical scheme re-defining and re-categorizing knowledge. The tendency to separate different layers of Confucian learning, which led to the interpretation of a ”Han-Song debate,” had supported and been supported by the Western academic taxonomical scheme. Thenceforth, this new condition helped to bring about the collapse of Confucian learning and, therefore, the end of the ”Han-Song debate.” In this sense, the ”Han-Song debate” may have helped give the Chinese academy means for its transformation from traditional into modern. Perhaps Qing thought was already displaying a tendency toward its ”modern nature.” However, it is too early to reach this conclusion, and for now we should be cautious in positing that the Qing thought contained a ”modern nature.”

Reviewed by: A Court on Horseback: Imperial Touring and Construction of Qing Rule, 1680–1785 Mi-ryung Song (bio) Michael G. Chang . A Court on Horseback: Imperial Touring and Construction of Qing Rule, 1680–1785. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2007. xix, 550 pp. Hardcover $49.95, ISBN 0-674-02454-0. Michael Chang's A Court on Horseback: Imperial Touring and Construction of Qing Rule, 1680–1785 is a study of imperial touring during the eighteenth century. In particular, this book's focus is the Qianlong emperor's six southern tours between 1751 and 1784. The author's main argument is that southern tours played a critical role in political culture and in the formation of Qing rule during the eighteenth century. The author emphasizes that the Qianlong emperor's southern tours were an integral component of the court's responses to historical challenges such as military threats and floods as well as population growth and commercialization. This book analyzes the imperial tours in eight chapters. The author's exploration of the southern tours starts with their antecedents (chap. 1). According to Chang, by the early sixteenth century, the practice of imperial touring was closely associated with non-Han regimes such as the Khitan Liao, the Jurchen Jin, and the Mongol Yuan. The author emphasizes that the Qing Empire's imperial touring in the eighteenth century revealed its character as a non-Han regime. In chapter 2, Chang demonstrates that the Kangxi and Qianlong emperors practiced the imperial tour as an emblem of the Manchus' ancestral virtues in both the civil and the military fields. In this regard, the author focuses on the Inner Asian elements of the Qing in imperial touring. Chang explains that even though imperial tours referred to abstract and elastic concepts, such as filial piety, diligence, and benevolence, Qing imperial tours also were intended to enhance the political prestige of the conquest elite. It was necessary for the Qing court to express its assertion of multiethnic privilege in a way acceptable to Han scholar-officials. Chapters 3 and 4 portray the martial content of the Qianlong emperor's southern tours. The author points out that the detailed planning of the southern tours was undertaken by the Manchu and Mongol members of the conquest elite (chap. 3). The Qing court considered the management of imperial tours—including the southern tours—as a highly sensitive matter to be entrusted to banner men. For this reason, Han Chinese officials could not serve on the superintendency of the imperial encampment. Also, through explaining the structure of the imperial camp, Chang shows that it was another conspicuous emblem of the Qing court's claim to an Inner Asian heritage of martial mobility and prowess. [End Page 375] In addition, Chang examines how Qianlong used imperial tours to showcase the ruling house as a model of Manchu skill as well as to highlight banner men as members of an active and disciplined conquest elite (chap. 4). As evidenced by a number of court paintings that depict the Qianlong emperor entering local cities in the saddle, Chang emphasizes that the Qianlong emperor thought of riding horseback as a symbol of ethnic honor closely associated with Manchu martial preeminence. In addition, the author suggests that the Qianlong emperor considered the mastery of horsemanship and archery as a proof of an individual banner man's diligence and moral character. Chapters 5 and 6 explore the Qianlong emperor's efforts to encompass groups of Jiangnan Han Chinese elites. First, the author details the relationship between merchants and the Qianlong court. He points out that the Qianlong emperor's southern tours facilitated cultivation of Han commercial elites as sources of revenue during the middle of the eighteenth century. Consequently, in the 1760s, after the floods and military crises had subsided, Qianlong raised a question of "returning to purity and simplicity." It was an antimercantile discourse. At the same time, the Qing court began to pay attention to other Chinese elites who hoped to expand their hegemonic status within the examination system and the local society. The Qing court's embrace of scholarly elites is the subject of chapter 6. There the author focuses on the...

The thesis aimed to explore the process of completion of Song Dynasty Confucianist Xiang Anshi's work ”Zhouyi Wanci,” his thinking of ”The Book of Changes (Yijing)” that was inherited or different from Cheng Yi's ”Yizhuan” and Zhu Xi's ”Zhouyi Benyi,” and probe into the reasons why. ”Tongzhitang Jingjie” compiled by Nalan Chengde in the beginning of Qing Dynasty collected quite a lot of writings of explanation of Five Classics in Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties; among them, there were 39 pieces of works of explanation of ”The Book of Changes (Yijing)” that were the greatest in quantity, and Xiang's ”Wanci” was one of them. Moreover, in the later period under the reign of Emperor Kangxi, Li Guangde received the order from above to write ”Zhouyi Zhezhong,” and there were 142 items of Xiang's theory of ”The Book of Changes (Yijing)” colleted within; among them, there were 9 items collected in the ”General Theories,” and this was because Li thought Xiang's theory could be deemed as the summary of the theories of ”The Book of Changes (Yijing)” in all the past dynasties; there were also 9 items gathered in ”Collection of Theories of All Sects,” and they were the ones that Li regarded as being with unique views after examining the theories of all sects. From the above exposition, we can see that Xiang's ”Zhouyi Wanci (Expounding Doctrine of Zhouyi)” was remarkable and out of ordinary; therefore, it was always respected by people and it was spread from generation to generation. Now I read his book and expect myself to know his personality and discuss the background of his times. Hence in the thesis' first section, I put forth effort to sort out relevant data of his biographies, and narrated his life story and made an observation of the background of his writings by means of it. In the second section, I explained that Xiang's study came from Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi, and he made deepgoing research on Xiangshu (symbols) of study of ”The Book of Changes (Yijing)” in Song Dynasty; therefore, I made a general exposition of its similarities and dissimilarities with Cheng Yi's and Zhu Xi's study of ”The Book of Changes (Yijing).” In the third section, I took the text as the basis completely to make a deepgoing research on the content of ”Zhouyi Wanci (Expounding Doctrine of Zhouyi);” in the thesis, I aimed at several dimensions of his internal theoretical basis of interpreting ”The Book of Changes (Yijing),” discussions of divinatory symbols, single and divided lines, phenomena, generalization on divination, and change of symbols, the integral and continuous concepts of his interpreting ”The Book of Changes (Yijing),” and his using Xiangshu (symbols ) as the auxiliary to Yili (principles) to devote myself to exploration, and made a comprehensive appraisal and commented on his achievement of interpreting ”The Book of Changes (Yijing)” to conclude.

當前台灣地區寓言的研究仍是待開發的領域，就研究時代而言，大量研究者集中探討先秦諸子寓言，尤其是莊子寓言，其次是明清時期的寓言。就文體而言，散文寓言研究較普及，詩體寓言較少。其實中國寓言數量龐大、內容豐富，至今的研究只能算是冰山一角，還有許多亟待深入探索的領域，筆者擬以明末成書的擬人傳體寓言：《廣諧史》為研究對象，冀能投入寓言研究，繼續作挖深掘微的工作。 《廣諧史》一書編成於明代，為匯編性的寓言著作－－將各類物種擬人化，為之作傳的「擬人傳體寓言」，共242篇，數量龐大，內容豐富；作者上自唐代的韓愈（768－824年），下至明代陳詩教（1615年），綿延近八百年，作品形式相當一致，形成一種仿擬風潮，為何如此？引發研究動機，冀能探究這一系列寓言的價值與意義，追探各代擬人傳體寓言所欲表現的內容為何？是否為中國寓言史上另成系統的支派？其次，寓言往往透過迂曲的方式反映生活、批判時代、頌揚生命，我們是否能夠透過《廣諧史》的研究，體察文人對當代政治、社會的關懷為何？理解傳統中國文人的人生觀和用世襟懷？以上為本論文希望解決的問題。復次，解讀《廣諧史》的字面表層意義，並非最困難、最重要的部分，如何深入時代背景，透過對各寫作時代的文化剖析，追探《廣諧史》中作者寄寓的言外之意，深究其創作初心與社會意義，並藉此管窺中國文人創作擬人傳體寓言的意圖，此才是本論文最欲呈現的部分。 本論文的研究範疇包括寓言理論、作者人物傳記、文化史、政治史、制度史等；主要方法為傳記研究法、資料分析法。 論文內容分為七章：第一章說明研究動機、範圍和方法。第二章解釋擬人傳體寓言的定義，並簡要介紹擬人傳體寓言代表作《廣諧史》。第三章就形式結構追溯擬人傳體寓言的前有所承以及組構方式。第四、五章則分論唐、宋、元代與明代之擬人傳體寓言內涵寓意，這部分的寫作，並非筆者強作解人，穿鑿附會，乃根據《廣諧史》作者陳邦俊編意推敲尋思，有所本而得的結論。第六章討論《廣諧史》的藝術特色。第七章為結論。 研究結果顯示：陳邦俊編輯《廣諧史》的動機，至少包含諷刺明神宗萬曆皇帝荒政以及褒貶歷代政治得失兩方面；且《廣諧史》充分反映明人關心政治發展、明代文人思想深受儒學教育之影響、明代文學盛行擬古風氣以及明代文化繁榮等四方面現象。該書收錄的擬人傳體寓言形式，在世界寓言中是極為特殊的一支，文學價值應該超越高麗假傳寓言。其次，擬人傳體寓言多半在政治黑暗的時刻勃興，因此擬人傳體寓言富有反映社會的意義。至於《廣諧史》缺點則是各篇情節轉折雷同、典故重出少變化、主題嚴肅而侷限等落入窠臼的形式，造成紀曉嵐、林雲銘等文學家的誤解，以致歷來不受重視，甚且被人忽略。本論文的意義即在發潛德之幽光，冀能透顯廣諧史擬人仿作的創作意圖與編意所在。

This essay is a contribution to the analysis of the Italian debates in the philosophy of language in the last decades. My starting point will be the current discussions on Italian Theory. This term broadly refers to strands of thinking such as pensiero vivente (Living Thought) of Esposito, pensiero radicale (Radical Thought) or operaismo (Workerism) of Virno and Hardt as well as Agamben’s biopolitcs. In order to explain the Italian difference, the philosopher Roberto Esposito underlines the centrality of notions such as “life”, “history” and “bio-politics” in opposition to “language” and “subject” that are at the core of many traditions of Western Philosophy such as Critical Theory, Analytic Philosophy, Hermeneutics and Deconstruction. Although the debates in Italian Theory are apparently extraneous to the philosophy of language, it would be interesting to examine the role played by the philosophy of language within this paradigm. Hence, I wish to reconsider Esposito’s insights in the light of some reflections about language developed by three Italian philosophers in the last few years: Agamben, Cimatti and Virno. Their philosophical systems allow me to reconstruct a debate characterized by grasping the close relation between language, “the biological layer of life” and “the mobile order of history”.

There is a popular legend called ”ten perverse people of Shi-shan” in the early years of Min-kuo period. It represents ten important people who have played extraordinary roles in Qing Dynasty. Most of them are well-known besides Lan-cha Hai (his sobriquet called ”Donkey”). In fact, his role and characteristics occur great influence to Qing Dynasty, especially in the settlement of dominion field. The context presents his background, military life, several combats of ”Record of Ten Perfect Accomplishments”, two civil wars of the Muslims in Gansu, and honored rewards from Emperor Qianlong.

The Classic of Filial Piety（《孝經》）was higly appraised by the scholars in Han and Tang Dynasty. However, the classic had been criticized due to its cinfusing author, published time and content since Song Dynasty. Hsiao Ching K'an Wu（《孝經刊誤》）by Chu Hsi（朱熹）was the representative which addressed the above questions. The current research carries on the previous awareness and aims to examine the text from the beginning, drawing the conclusion from the comments derived from the Confucianists in the Sung and Ch'ing dynasty as well as excavated texts. The result is that the author of the Classic of Filial Piety took the Confucianism as the principal ideology. Furthermore, the author absorbed the thinking of Mo（墨）and Tao（道）. The content of the Classic of Filial Piety was the dominant school before Han Fei（韓非）. Regarding the study of the Classic of Filial Piety, the current study research aims to investigate the development from Han through Song dynasty with regard to the study of the Classic of Filial Piety. The classic retained its academic standing and influenced subsequent ceremonies as well as the politics due to political reasons. The study of the classic followed the rise of Ch'en-wei（讖緯）, deriving beliefs embedded in the culture which was the mainstream in the Han dynasty. The research uses Hsiao Ching Zhushu（《孝經注疏》）to prove that the classic was the foundation of the connection between Ming Chiao（名教）and Tzu Jan（自然）in order to explain the blank between the Han and the Tang Dynasty. On the other hand, the study of the classic moved away from Tsai I（災異）and cultivated the idea of Chien Cheng（諫諍）through the Emperors and Confucians' commentary. During Song dynasty, Sima Guang（司馬光）and his party developed special concept for the classic. However, its influence died out resulted from doubts of Confucian classics. Even though there were some scholars such as Lu Jiuyuan（陸九淵）who strived for the Classic of Filial Piety, the trend was inevitable.

Reviewed by: Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China Craig Clunas (bio) Patricia Berger . Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2003. 266 pp. Hardcover $42.00, ISBN 0-8248-2653-2. This is an important and innovative book that deals with a body of cultural practices at the court of the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-1795) that have not always been well served by English-language scholarship. The court art of the Qing period has until quite recently attracted more in the way of embarrassed silence than engaged response from art historians, particularly since so many of the artifacts involved are part of the problematic category known as the "decorative arts"—silk tapestry, embroidery, cloisonné enamel, gilt metal, and lacquer—rather than the more highly regarded arts of painting and calligraphy. The enthusiasm of art historians for these things has been in almost directly inverse proportion to their prominence in the art market, for whom any kind of imperial provenance has always carried glamour and who have been less squeamish about obsessively high degrees of technical finish. Even the painting has been problematic, the product of anonymous or as-good-as-anonymous court professionals, men on the wrong side of the theoretical divide between inspired gentleman amateurs and painstaking artisans. Its subject matter has seemed too Buddhist for art history, and too late in date for scholars of Buddhism, for most of whom until the 1990s the interesting parts of Buddhist art came to an end somewhere around the Song dynasty. And then there is the problem of the "Chineseness" or otherwise of the material. Various hyphenations litter the literature: Sino-Tibetan, Sino Mongolian, Tibeto-Mongol. They all display art history's historic dependence on an ultimately Hegelian idea of a national spirit, in which the pure is good and authentic and the mixed is inauthentic and debased. It has taken the impact of the broad intellectual development of postcolonial studies to shift some of these positions and generate a willingness to look again at the hybrid and the previously hyphenated, to stop asking questions about whether a thing or an image is "really" "more Chinese" or "more Manchu," and to engage fully with the complexities of a context in which religious and ethnic identities are in a process of constant negotiation and fashioning rather than being neat slots into which individual works of art can be fixed. The work of Pamela Crossley, Evelyn Rawski, and Mark Elliott, among others, has made historians properly wary of certain lazily deployed narratives such as that of "sinicization" and more sensitive to the actual nuances of Qianlong-period practice. Now Patricia Berger has built on this work to provide a new level of detail on and insight into the ways in which material culture and visual imagery worked as a crucial part of the politics of culture at this time. [End Page 369] The central message of Empire of Emptiness could be read as admonishing us for a failure up to now to take seriously enough the role of religious—and specifically Buddhist—practices in the Qianlong emperor's art of rulership. There has long been an awareness of the scale of these practices and of the identification of emperor-as-bodhisattva in certain striking images of the eighteenth century. But, Berger argues, these have been seen predominantly as the fruits of strategic political decisions aimed at keeping the territories of Inner Asia, particularly those inhabited by Mongols and Tibetans, "onside" with the Qing dynasty's project of Manchu hegemony. At worst they have been reduced to cynical manipulations of religious belief, aimed at impressing frontier peoples with the dynasty's commitment to the dharma. It is a major achievement of this book that the attentive reader is unlikely ever again to feel comfortable with such an interpretation. By herself taking Buddhism seriously, Berger allows us in turn to see the Qianlong emperor taking it very seriously indeed. The culture of politics and the politics of culture are thus seen as inseparable, and both are shown to be informed by understandings of complex issues such as nonduality, which...