Російський ресентимент: його застосування на прикладі України

A few apocalyptic predictions of a post‐communist ‘maelstrom’ notwithstanding,1 the break‐up of the USSR was initially greeted by optimistic assessments of the prospects for democracy in the ‘new R...

This article examines the development of civil society in Russia. We argue that cultural and societal norms, which developed during the Soviet period, have continued to shape civil society arrangements in the post-Soviet period. We examine how parallel to recent changes in Russia’s economic, political and legal environment, shifts in Russia’s contemporary civil society arrangements have occurred. We argue that, similar to a Russian-style democracy and market economy, Russian-style civil society arrangements are clearly emerging. These changes are explained by the cultural–historic legacies of both the Soviet Union and the subsequent peculiarities of Russia’s economic, social and political transformations since the collapse of the Soviet Union. In this Russian variant of civil society, its agents have developed and continue to maintain strong and dependent relationships on the state.

Importance. One of the urgent tasks of modern Russian higher education is the development of the civil identity of students. Moreover, particular importance acquires the civil identity of students of military training centers, who, along with the civil one, receive a military specialty and must be ready for professional self-realization in both the civil and military spheres. An analysis of scientific publications in recent years shows that there is not enough empirical research devoted to the study of the civil identity of MTC students, which determined the choice of the topic of our research.Research Methods. The main tools of the empirical research are the standardized methods “Value Survey” (M. Rokeach), the LPO method “Life-Purpose Orientations” (D.A. Leontiev), the author’s modification of the “My Choice” questionary (S.S. Grunshpun), as well as the author’s questionary “The Heroic Past and Present of Russia,” reflecting the specifics of the educational activities of the military training center. Research base: Military training center at SPbSUT The Bonch- Bruevich Saint Petersburg State University of Telecommunications. The sample consisted of 400 male students aged 19 to 23 years (200 of the 2nd year students and 200 of the 4th year students).Results and Discussion. A comparative analysis of diagnostics of the civil identity components formedness (motivational, cognitive, behavioral, emotional-evaluative) shows positive dynamics in the change in hedonic motives in the 2nd year to conscious ones in the 4th year. Statistically significant correlations are identified between: “goals in life” scales: the presence of goals that give life meaning and direction and time perspective is associated with cheerfulness (p ≤ 0.05); locus of control – life and controllability of life. The belief that a person (student) is given the freedom to make decisions, control his life, and take responsibility is negatively related to freedom (p ≤ 0.05), positively related to interesting work (p ≤ 0.05); life effectiveness or satisfaction with selfrealization; a change in attitude towards events significant for the state and Russian society, and an awareness of the importance of responsible service to one’s country is identified; increasing the level of knowledge of the history of the Russian state, which is reflected in improving the overall academic performance of students and motivation for further professional self-realization in their chosen specialty.Conclusion. The introduction of a comprehensive program for the development of civil identity of students “To Serve Russia” into the educational activities of the military training center contributes to the development of positive motivation of students to serve the Russian state and society; expanding knowledge and ideas about the heroic past and present of the Russian people; increasing interest in acquiring experience in solving military-professional tasks to ensure the preservation and strengthening of Russian statehood; a positive emotional assessment of events significant for the state and the manifestation of an active civil position in socially significant activities.

Significant socio-political contradictions have remained acute in our country today, which are a challenge to the sustainable development of Russian society. A strategy of state social policy based on national projects should become one of the tools to alleviate the severity of these contradictions. National goals and projects not only provide guidelines for economic development, but can also serve as a basis for consensus of interests of civil society and the state. The complex epidemiological situation, challenges and threats of a socio-political and foreign policy have intensified the socio-political alienation of the Russian state and civil society, pushed the problems of national projects in the information field into the background in 2021. The task of forming an attitude in the public consciousness to the need to solve the tasks set for both society and for each of the citizens remains. The article presents the data of the sociological monitoring "How are you, Russia?" according to the assessment of the importance of national projects for Russian citizens personally and for the whole society. It is shown that citizens in general assess the importance of national projects for society higher than for themselves, and in 2021 the level of assessments is lower than in 2020. In July 2021, two national projects were the most demanded both for themselves and for the Russian society as a whole: "Healthcare" and "Education". More than half of Russians also singled out the projects "Ecology", "Housing and urban environment" in terms of importance.

The paper considers the problem of Russian war crimes in Ukraine in the context of the archetypal approach, in particular, the peculiarities of the influence of Russian society on the delinquent character of the Russian occupation forces. During the research, it was established that the manifestations of delinquency in the Russian military are criminal in nature, they are an integral part of the Russian-Ukrainian war, and are directed mainly against the civilian population. The origin of modern Russian ideology and its dangers for modernity are determined. Based on historical examples, a comparison of the consequences of the delinquency of fascist and racist ideologies and the manifestation of the latter during hostilities was made. The psychological portrait of the Russian army is considered in the context of a representative sample of Russian society. An archetypal analysis of the latter’s genesis is carried out, and the archetype of the Horde is identified, which has had a decisive influence on the development of modern Russian society. The author traced the impact of the Horde archetype on the modern Russian state system, state-building processes and society in general. The channels of influence of the Horde archetype on the formation of the Russian army and its relations with the crimes committed by the Russian military on the territory of Ukraine were studied. The phenomenon of the influential leader and its correspondence to the archetype of the Horde are analysed. The paper determined how the Horde archetype affects the perception of other nations and nationalities by Russians, how “Russian collectivism” relates to responsibility, and what is the basis for the Russians’ justification of Russian war crimes in Ukraine. In conclusion, the cardinal changes that have taken place in the perception of the war and the enemy in Ukrainian society are noted, and the leading role of the analysis of basic Russian archetypes for effective resistance to Russian military and semantic aggression is determined. Further directions of archetypal research in the context of the “Russian issue” are outlined.

Objective of the study is to consider social contradictions and prospects in the development of civil society in Russia. The methodological basis of the research consists of civilizational and neoinstitutional approaches, as well as the provisions of the theory of civil society. Research results. This article analyzes social contradictions and prospects for the development of civil society in Russia. For the successful innovative development of the country, both attempts to preserve the paternalistic model of state-society relations and to plant a Western liberal model that is historically alien to Russia are equally unsuitable. The path of Russia is the path of an uneasy dialogue between the government and society in order to achieve their long–term consensus. Prospects of the study. The problem of relations between the state and civil society is of scientific and practical interest in connection with the need to develop civil institutions in Russia.

The article deals with the institutionalization of civil society in Russia at the current stage. The aim of the study was to consider certain aspects of the interaction of the state and civil society in Russia in general and in Kemerovo Region (Kuzbass) in particular. The authors employed the method of sociological survey of the population and the expert assessment of non-profit sector representatives, which made it possible to assess the dynamics of the development of civil society institutions in Russia and in Kemerovo region. The authors used systemic and institutional approaches to identify the changes in the understanding of civil society, as well as to evaluate the work of authorities and public institutions through the prism of public attitude. All the numerous definitions of civil society appeared to provide no common understanding in government bodies and society. The paper focuses on some features of the development of civil society and challenges that inhibit the process of development of civil initiatives in regional politics. The assessed criteria included the level of social and political activity of the population, the trust of the population and non-profit organizations in the civil society institutions and authorities, the information accessibility in the media, and the attitude of the population to the issues of self-government. Social activity, which depends on the level of civic engagement, proved crucial for the development of regional civil institutions. This is especially important in the aspect of young citizen activism.

This article examines the divergent historical views espoused by Russian and Ukrainian societies and their representatives on topics such as the 1932-1933 famine, Stalinism, and the post-World War II Soviet Union. We draw on an original online survey, conducted simultaneously in January 2021 in Ukraine and Russia, to provide an in-depth analysis of views on history in Ukraine and Russia before the 2022 invasion. In Russia, we illustrate how little contestation there is of official narratives. This may signal the existence of an integrated mnemonic community after a decade of state-curated historical narratives, but it might also imply that Russian society is disengaged from history. In pre-2022 Ukraine, meanwhile, we identify persistent fragmentation in the ways in which society perceives history, largely centered along the country’s linguistic divide. However, a central finding is that Russian-speakers in Ukraine differ in their historical views from Russian citizens on key dimensions such as the memory of Stalin and the Holodomor. These results speak to the evolving and politicized nature of societal memory and provide an important baseline for interpreting potential mnemonic shifts that accompanied the full-scale war launched against Ukraine by Russia in February 2022.

Russia’s reunification with the Crimea, counter-sanction policy, practices of the Russian state and civil society, as well as scientific and technological and social and economic breakthrough actively attempted in the country are the key events and drivers determining the social and political environment and the nearest future of the Russian society. Russian civil society and the rule of law continue its steady growth despite adverse global social and economic and social and political environment. The key result of such growth is the pivot of the crisis trend as well as a dynamic balance of social and political relations between the Russian state and society. In general, the civil society offers a fairly sufficient level of trust to the government institutions. The trust level is to be enhanced and consolidated in the nearest future. The success of Russian politics shall depend on minimizing external threats and challenges and on meeting internal fundamental interests and urgent needs of citizens with respect to security and improvement of life quality.

The authors of the paper analyze the main directions of the consolidation of modern Russian society, as well as the problems that hinder the implementation of this process. The main factors explaining the fea-tures of the processes of consolidation of Russian society in the XXI century are considered. The col-lapse of the USSR, the resulting crises, the specifics of socio-political processes in the post-Soviet space, the formation of a national idea to a large extent affect the level of cohesion of the country's citizens. It is concluded that for the effective imple-mentation of the process of consolidation of society in modern Russia, it is necessary to overcome a number of problems. In this regard, it is of supreme importance to eliminate socio-economic inequality, corruption in all spheres of life, and optimize the activities of government bodies. The authors em-phasize that the consolidation of modern Russian society is the most important task of the ongoing national policy and requires targeted efforts on the part of both the state and civil society. The im-portance of further sociological studies of the con-solidation processes of Russian society is noted.

Which theoretical paradigm should we use to discuss the relationship between the state and civil society in Russia? Academic literature distinguishes two principal approaches to this problem: the East European political tradition, which treats the state and civil society in antagonistic terms; and the West European and Anglo-American strand, which focuses on co-operation between the two entities. A nuanced study of modern Russia indicates that there are areas of successful state–civil society co-operation, as well as intense struggles between the two entities for political and cultural hegemony. Thus, both of these approaches are reasonable, and one should not be deployed at the expense of the other.

Many Russian civil society organisations are directly engaging with state law enforcement agencies, particularly the police, in joint efforts to improve the performance and change the norms and values of state officials involved in administering justice. These activities are based upon a model of state–society relations that stresses the possibility of a positive relationship of mutual assistance and partnership between the state and civil society. Such assistance is often described by these organisations as helping low-level bureaucrats better perform their core organisational tasks. This model is contrasted with two alternative models of the role of civil society, which depict civil society either as teaching citizens the norms and values associated with liberal democracy, or as a potential counter-weight to an over-reaching state. Three cases studies of cooperation between NGOs and law enforcement agencies demonstrate the utility of such an approach. Although these projects suffer from some common pathologies of civil society work in Russia, they remain important, not least because of the presence of ‘uncivil society’ extremist groups who also are trying to influence the norms and beliefs of state law enforcement officials. The civil society activities profiled here suggest that direct, cooperative engagement with the state is one important component of long-term efforts to transform the Russian state in a more liberal, ‘civil’ direction.

A Multidimensional Image of the Russian Constitution – Linguistic, Cultural and Cognitive Reflections This article deals with the transposition of concepts in the process of translating legal texts. The material basis was the original text of the constitution of the Russian Federation and the constitution of Russia, which was translated into Polish. The primary assumption of the analyzes made is the thesis that the constitution is the foundation of the system, norms and principles. The Constitution also sets out the main directions of community development. As the superior document of a social and political nature, it confirms the most important national values and social beliefs. The awareness of the highest rank of this normative act should also be considered as an important factor in the process of translating the constitution into other languages. Depending on the context and depending on the structural and conceptual flexibility of the original text, the transposition of a generalized vision of the community world can be a complex task or a process that does not require a lot of work. The subject of the article is the relation between the Constitution of the Russian Federation and its Polish language version. The analysis includes the linguistic and non-linguistic reality in which the constitution of Russia is present. The research covered: the current constitution of Russia of December 12, 1993 in the Russian and Polish language versions. The legal act in Polish was made available on the official website of the Biblioteka Sejmowa (biblioteka.sejm.gov.pl). The aim of the review was to identify the possibility of reconceptualizing the Russian legal reality and determining the efficiency of transposing the concepts to the target text. The author wanted to answer the questionwhether the translation text can be treated as a source of knowledge and understanding of cultural and civilizational norms and values, building the state and Russian society. The first part of the study was devoted to general concepts that created the state system. Attention is paid to their functionality in the source and target area. The essence of the image of the world was taken into account. Using the concepts of Родина and Отечествo, has been explained the lexical context of translated lexemes. The second part of the review concerned the reconstruction of the collective memory of the Russian nation. This level focuses on the text of the preamble as a component containing generalized ideas of the political system. The third part was a substantive summary of all findings. This part of the article was based on a comparative study, covering the relation between the text of the constitution and the content and context.

This paper explores the ideas that have been offered by the Putin leadership in Russia to justify the concentration of power achieved since 2000. Though Vladimir Putin has said that Russia does not need a state ideology, since early 2006 some officials associated with Putin, including Vladislav Surkov, have called for an ideology for the dominant United Russia Party, and have asserted that Putin’s speeches provide the core of that ideology. This essay discusses Putin’s position on Russia’s commitment to democracy, the relationship between Russia and Europe, and the nature of the international system in which Russia fi nds itself. The author sees the concept of “sovereign democracy” that has been offered by Surkov and endorsed by United Russia as summarizing ideas that already had been articulated by Putin. Putin’s words strongly emphasize the importance of a consensus of values in Russian society and politics. That theme has important implications for the relationship between the state and civil society in Russia. Evans argues that the ideological pronouncements of the Putin leadership refl ect tension between apparently inconsistent principles resulting from a combination of inherently contradictory themes. Putin identifi es the main danger facing Russia in the contemporary period as disintegration rather than stagnation.

The article examines the main areas of state support for civil society institutions in the course of interaction between the state and civil society institutions in modern Russia and the formation of the R-model of civil society, taking into account the Russian cultural and civilizational specifics and allowing for the formation of civil society to take into account the cultural, civilizational, religious, value-motivational parameters of communication between society and government. The state of the modern Russian state and society requires satisfying the request of citizens of the Russian Federation to ensure socio-cultural stability and national security, ethno-national and confessional harmony of the peoples of Russia based on the use of the potential of their traditional culture and traditional spiritual and moral values. The President of the Russian Federation in the May 2024 Decree defined the national development goals of the country, the optimal and strategically verified path of independent, sovereign cultural and value development of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2030 and for the future up to 2036. Hence the need to form a modern model of development of the state, civil society, business community and regions based on the development of partnership relations not only in economic strategy, but also in the implementation of the state cultural and value policy, the policy of forming the culture and worldview of Russians based on the preservation and strengthening of traditional Russian spiritual and moral values, in order to strengthen the foundations of the political and cultural-moral unity of the Russian people, the formation of the ideological, political and ideological core of citizens of Russia, Russians of all nationalities, the Russian civil nation, culture, spiritual guidelines of the Russian, Russian civilization, which for centuries ensured the gathering and harmonious development of Russian peoples and citizens of the country. Taking this into account, the importance of effective partnership interaction between the state and civil society institutions through the prism of constitutional provisions is increasing many times over, determining that the Government of the Russian Federation implements measures to support civil society institutions, including non-profit organizations, ensures their participation in the development and implementation of state policy. The article is devoted to the main vectors of implementation of the specified measures, ways to increase the efficiency of interaction of all actors of socio-political life, as well as the search for optimal solutions to the problems facing Russian society in the context of modern challenges.