미·중 경쟁이 중남미 경제에 미치는 영향과 시사점(An Effect of US-China Rivalry on Latin America and Its Implication)

The Effects of US-China Rivalry on Latin America and Their Implications

This article is devoted to the analysis of trade and economic relations between the United States and China with Latin American countries. This region is a sphere of competitive confrontation between the two countries not only for foreign policy ties, but also for trade and economic ones. The authors in this article show the peculiarities of the bilateral relations between China and the United States with Latin America and describe the process of changing US policy towards Latin America after 2017, when it radically changed after the Trump administration came to power, and Beijing, taking advantage of this opportunity, began to compete with Washington in this region. Also, in this article, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the indicators of trade and economic relations between China and the United States with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that, using the example of the transition of leading positions towards China, the authors, within the framework of the theory of "power transit" (Power transition theory), describe the competitive struggle of states in this region in trade and economic terms, which is inextricably linked with political relations. The main conclusions are that the United States is still an external force that cannot be ignored in Latin American international relations, while China has every chance of gradually displacing the United States from the foreign market in Latin America thanks to its economic projects with the introduction of leading Latin American countries in the economic sphere. The United States of America, in turn, is trying to maintain its position in this region by easing its economic and financial constraints and, thereby, inclining the political leadership of Latin American countries to its side.

Human resources for health in the Americas

Recent Trends in Income Inequality in Latin America Leonardo Gasparini (bio), Guillermo Cruces (bio), and Leopoldo Tornarolli (bio) Any assessment of the Latin American economies would be incomplete without reference to their high levels of socioeconomic inequalities. All countries in the region are characterized by large disparities of income and consumption levels, access to education, land, and basic services, and other socioeconomic variables. Inequality is a distinctive, pervasive characteristic of the region. This document presents information updated through the mid-2000s and analyzes patterns and trends of income inequality in Latin America. The measurement and analysis of inequality have long been a major topic of study for economics and other social sciences in the region. However, the scarcity of reliable and consistent microeconomic data has always been an obstacle against comprehensive assessments. Most studies are based on limited sources or are constrained to cover a single country. The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) have all made efforts to assemble large databases of national household surveys to support wider [End Page 147] assessments of inequality, poverty, and other socioeconomic variables. This study is mostly based on data from the Socioeconomic Database for Latin America and the Caribbean (SEDLAC), a project developed jointly by the Center for Distributive, Labor, and Social Studies (CEDLAS) and the World Bank. This database contains information on more than 200 official household surveys in twenty-five Latin American and Caribbean countries. This paper uses data for the period from 1992 to 2006. We confirm that income inequality increased in the 1990s as documented in the literature, but we also find that inequality decreased in the 2000s, suggesting a turning point from the unequalizing changes of the previous two decades. While the recent fall in income inequality is significant and widespread, it does not seem to be based on strong fundamentals. The rest of this paper is organized as follows. The discussion opens with a description of the data sources and their limitations. The subsequent section represents the core of the paper, as it documents the main patterns of income inequality in Latin America, at both the country and regional levels. The paper then takes a look inside household income, discussing inequality patterns for the distribution of individual labor and nonlabor income. We also place the Latin American evidence in international perspective, using various data sources. The final section presents our concluding remarks. The Data The main source of data for this paper is the Socioeconomic Database for Latin America and the Caribbean (SEDLAC), developed jointly by CEDLAS at the Universidad Nacional de La Plata (Argentina) and the World Bank's Latin American and Caribbean Poverty and Gender Group. This database contains information on more than 200 official household surveys in twenty-five Latin American and Caribbean countries: the seventeen countries in continental Latin America (namely, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela) plus eight countries in the Caribbean (the Dominican Republic and seven non-Hispanic Caribbean countries). The sample represents 97 percent of the total Latin American and Caribbean population, including 100 percent in continental Latin America and 55 percent in the Caribbean. The main missing country is Cuba, which does not disclosure household survey information. Our analysis starts in the early 1990s, [End Page 148] when most countries in Latin America consolidated their household survey programs, and ends in 2006. Table 1 lists the surveys used in this study, covering the eighteen Latin American countries in the CEDLAS database. Household surveys in most countries are nationally representative, with the exception of Argentina and Uruguay (before 2006), where surveys cover only the urban population. This nonetheless represents 88 percent and 92 percent of the total population in these countries, respectively. In these two cases, we use the urban figures as proxies for the national statistics.1 Most countries experienced changes in their household surveys in the 1990s and 2000s. In many cases the geographical coverage was broadened, monthly surveys were replaced by annual ones, and the questionnaires were improved. Although these changes are certainly welcome, they pose significant...

Atopic Dermatitis in Latin America: A Roadmap to Address Data Collection, Knowledge Gaps, and Challenges.

A History of Latinx Immigrant Activism

Latin America and the Caribbean Region experienced dramatic changes in the 1990s. Politically, all but one country, are governed by a democratically elected government. Economically, import substitution industrialization policies (ISI) followed in the past, were replaced by liberalization programs aimed at reducing inflationary pressures and creating a competitive environment. The significant increase in capital flows to Latin America in one single year, 1990, buried the 1980s as the “lost decade,” and the successful implementation of privatization programs region-wide prompted to affirm that the 1990s might constitute the “Latin America's decade.” Where does the euphoria come from? Is there any implicit promise to be derived from such international capital flows? Will the pattern be sustained? Has Latin America begun a new era? Are unfolding events on defiance of fundamentals? These and many other questions can be raised regarding the spectacular transformation of Latin America and the Caribbean, particu...

A promising potential partner for the Latin American region is Canada, which is also interested in diversifying its economy and strengthening investment and trade ties. But the closest economic ties have developed between Canada, the United States and Mexico, which is due not only to geographical proximity, but also to participation in the North American Free Trade Agreement - NAFTA, and later USMCA. The subject of the study in the article is Canada's trade cooperation with Latin and North American countries. The aim is to study the economic and trade relations of Canada and Latin American countries in the context of North American integration from the point of view of a holistic view of their evolution. Methods: in studying the model of economic integration, the historical method and comparative analysis were used; statistical analysis was used to analyze the trends in the development of trade cooperation between Canada and Latin American countries. The following results were obtained: based on the analysis, it is noted that the development of economic and trade relations between Canada and Latin American countries almost completely corresponds to the interests of Canada, which wants to get a quick return on its investments in the region. Latin America appreciates working with Ottawa in key areas, actively using Canadian investments in the industrial and social spheres. But the closest economic ties have developed between Canada, the USA and Mexico, which is due not only to geographical proximity, but also to their economic integration, which was regulated by various documents - NAFTA and USMCA. Conclusions: Canada considers the Latin American region as a rather promising direction of development due to the richness of economic relations, the volume of trade turnover is quite stable, and today there are hardly any factors that can influence this trend. At the same time, the closest economic ties are developing between Canada, the USA and Mexico within the framework of the USMCA integration agreement and their intensification is given special attention, taking into account new requirements.

The article analyzes the problems facing the US foreign policy under Joseph Biden administration in relation to the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, reveals the nature of the strategy of the D. Trump administration, that was aimed at curbing the illegal immigration to the United States from Latin American countries. The author considers the results of the 9th Summit of the Americas in 2022, the attempts by the United States to maintain their influence, expand interaction throughout the Western Hemisphere against the background of China's foreign economic strategy, which largely coincides with the interests of the LAS countries. The author argues that the excessive geo-political ambitions of the United States and their course for global leadership, do not taking into account the interests and characteristics of the states of Latin America, contradict with the possibilities of the United States in solving the variety of problems in the region. To maintain US positive image, american policymakers must recognize that their international initiatives to implement their foreign policy initiatives in the Wertern Hemisphere are severely limited.

Weight gain post-ART in HIV+ Latinos/as differs in the USA, Haiti, and Latin America

Perilous Power: The Middle East and US Foreign Policy Dialogues on Terror, Democracy, War and Justice. By Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achar, Stephen R. Shalom. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Press, 2009. 319 pp., $18.95 (ISBN-13: 978-1-59451-313-8). The United States and Latin America after the Cold War. By Russell C. Crandall. New York City: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 260 pp., $24.95 paperback (ISBN-13: 978-0-521-71795-3). America and Its Critics: Virtues and Vices of the Democratic Hyperpower. By Sergio Fabbrini. Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2008. 222 pp., $22.95 paperback (ISBN-13: 978-0-7456-4251-2). To See Ourselves as Others See Us: How Publics Abroad View the United States after 9/11. By Ole R. Holsti. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2008. 234 pp., $24.95 paperback (ISBN-13: 978-0-472-05036-9). The Obama administration faces many challenges in the world from the ongoing war on terrorism and the quest for peace in the Middle East, to issues of the environment and trade. Each of the books reviewed suggest that the United States cannot solve these problems alone. Ole Holsti argues, “few contemporary international problems lend themselves to unilateral solutions” (p. 218). However, a hallmark of the Bush administration has been the idea that you are either with us or against us. This philosophy of unilateralism has led to short-sighted and reactionary policies that have unintended consequences. The alienation of our allies and the “wariness of China and Russia” have led to a situation where “we have more to fear from our own mistakes” (Chase 2002:8). According to Russell C. Crandall, the challenge for future policymakers is “not [to] let outdated assumptions…automatically lead us to foregone conclusions” (p. 247). The authors reviewed analyze American policy in different regions of the world, ask different research questions and use different methodological approaches. But the thread that ties these books together is a call for a more multilateral approach to foreign policy or, in the words of Holsti, “a cold eye assessment of policies and consequences” (p. 187). In Crandall's, The United States and Latin America after the Cold War we get an exhaustive look at American foreign policy in Latin and South America. Crandall contends that the end of the Cold War “diminished the ideological and strategic constraints that…dictated US policy” (p. xi). However, he states that political analysis of the region continues to suffer because we continue to view it through an outdated security paradigm. This text is an attempt to fill that gap in the literature by systematically addressing US policy through the post-Cold War administrations. He finds that America has “acted …

The article examines the problem of foreign policy relations between the United States and Latin American countries during the presidency of B. Obama. The election of Barack Obama raised great expectations in Latin America. It was expected that this would revive inter-American relations, which were neglected by the George W. Bush administration. The paper analyzes the economic crisis and international problems that the Obama administration had to face, which contributed to the fact that the region became a priority. One of the first challenges for the new administrations was the removal of the Honduran president by the military. The US took a pragmatic stance and kept the conflict in Honduras at bay – there was no hope of constitutional restoration. The Obama administration made a significant contribution to the success of the peace process in Colombia. Special attention is paid to stabilizing the situation, which remained one of the security priorities of the Obama administration. The Obama administration also expanded the Merida Initiative beyond traditional, military methods in the fight against criminal organizations. The article examines aspects that contributed to strengthening the rule of law in Mexico. The conclusions emphasize that the achievement of this administration was the normalization of relations with Cuba. The article also suggests directions for further research that may reveal approaches to studying US foreign policy in the region. This became possible because public opinion regarding the normalization of relations changed, and the approach of the Cuban regime towards US policies changed. Obama's foreign policy in Latin America was based on pragmatism, dialogue, and mutual respect. The United States moved away from a unilateral approach and focused on building partnerships that included: expanding economic cooperation, democratic institutions and the rule of law, social and environmental initiatives. Adjusting US policy in the region meant guaranteeing a partnership between the United States and Latin America. Obama, as a presidential candidate, criticized Bush for neglecting Latin American problems.

The symbiotic relationship between the United States and Latin America has been filled with bitterness and anguish, on the one hand, and hope and cooperation, on the other. Each provides something the other lacks, and thus the relationship has the potential to work to the advantage of both. Brewer provides an introduction to the most important events in the diplomatic, military, social, and economic history of the relationship between the United States and countries of Latin America. The symbiotic relationship between the United States and Latin America has been filled with bitterness and anguish, on the one hand, and hope and cooperation, on the other. Each provides something the other lacks, and thus the relationship has the potential to work to the advantage of both. Brewer provides an introduction to the the most important events in the diplomatic, military, social, and economic history of the relationship between the United States and countries of Latin America. Soon after the American Revolutionary War, the new nation needed to build a solid relationship with Latin American countries in order to survive. The apex of hemispheric relations was not reached until World War II, when the area witnessed an unprecedented level of cooperation and mutual collaboration. This era ended with the onset of the Cold War, when the competition between capitalism and communism was fought by proxy throughout the developing world, adversely affecting the ability of Latin American nations to develop independent identities or thriving economies. Brewer argues that the events of 9/11 changed this relationship very little. Indeed, many of the issues that have long plagued U.S.-Latin American relations are returning as the United States focuses on the War on Terror in the Middle East and neglects its southern neighbors.

Dear Sir: We read the comprehensive review of Steinhardt and colleagues on malaria prophylaxis for travelers to Latin America with great interest.1 Still, because this subject is controversial in Travel Medicine,2 we would like to add some information from Germany, a country not cited by the review. Primaquine is the only available drug that eradicates hepatic stages of malaria parasites including hypnozoites of Plasmodium vivax and Plasmodium ovale. It is licensed for radical cure after vivax or ovale malaria.3 Only the U.S. American guidelines published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) (www.cdc.gov) recommend it as a first-line option for primary prophylaxis. Therefore, the conclusion by Steinhardt and colleges to name primaquine as a recommended option for certain regions of Latin America is not based on a broad international consensus. To our personal experience, the use of this drug is hampered by several factors: 1. There is a lack of data and experience with primaquine in primary prophylaxis of malaria. Although the daily travel medicine practice deals mainly with brief regimens, most trials with primaquine have only evaluated longer regimens of over 12 weeks of prophylaxis.4 Furthermore, the capacity to prevent falciparum malaria, which is the main goal of malaria chemoprophylaxis5 has not been evaluated in larger studies. This is of importance, because in most Latin American areas with P. vivax predominance, Plasmodium falciparum co-occurs.6 2. Because the drug is not licensed or recommended for primary prophylaxis in any country except the United States, the prescribing physician is liable for any damage caused by primaquine. Furthermore, in many countries, the drug is not easily available as it has to be imported from foreign countries. 3. The necessary testing for glucose-6-phosphate-dehydrogenase (G6PD) activity before taking the drug adds significant costs and together with the delay of G6PD activity reporting renders the prophylactic use of primaquine impractical in daily travel medicine practice. The incidence and mortality of autochthonous malaria in Latin America has declined dramatically since the early 2000s.6,7 During the years 2002–2010, six to 17 annual cases (average 13.0) of malaria imported from Latin American countries were notified to the German authorities (Robert Koch Institute, Berlin;www.rki.de). Absolute numbers were declining in recent years, but the relative share stayed stable with 2–4% of all imported malaria cases in Germany. For 2009, the German Federal Statistical Office reported more than 1.2 million German travelers to malaria-endemic countries in Latin America (www.destatis.de) resulting in six notified imported malaria cases from these countries (Brazil, 4; Honduras, 2), all caused by P. vivax (Schoneberg I, personal communication, Robert Koch Institute, Berlin). As a drawback to analysis, the proportion of German travelers to Latin America receiving chemoprophylaxis is unknown, but is expected to be very low in light of the German guidelines. The overall mortality rate for imported malaria in Germany in 2009 was 0.6% and is probably much lower for vivax malaria. Although the numbers might not be exact, they highlight the dimensions of the problem and confirm recent risk calculations based on endemicity data of malaria in the respective countries8: to prevent a single malaria case imported from Latin America to Germany, we have to use antimalarial drugs with their potentially severe side-effects in hundreds of thousands of travelers; to prevent a single fatal malaria case from Latin America in Germany, millions of travelers would have to use chemoprophylaxis. In Germany and Switzerland, chemoprophylaxis is only recommended for travelers to certain areas of Brazil (Acre, Rondonia, and Roraima) and all non-coastal regions in Guyana, Suriname, and French Guiana (www.dtg.org, www.safetravel.ch). For all other parts of Latin America, avoidance of mosquito bites and immediate consultation of a physician in case of fever during or after the journey is recommended. Travelers, who stay in areas where the diagnosis and treatment of malaria might not be possible in a timely manner, carry a drug for self-treatment (“stand-by emergency treatment”). This approach aims to avoid the broad use of chemoprophylaxis in areas of low malaria risk and therefore, from a medical and health economical point of view, might be a preferable option for tourists to many Latin America regions.

Introduction: Our task is to present information on the status of the Medical Physics practice in the different countries in Latin America. Because of its fundamental value, we would like to focus on the status of education and professional medical physics issues in the different countries. Purpose: The IAEA is interested in promoting harmonization of Medical Physics practice worldwide. As a contribution, we must first learn about the diverse status of the medical physics practice, possibilities and needs in the different countries of Latin America. Methods and Materials: The LAASC maintains a close communication with all (or most) Latin American Countries through the valuable contributions of our Latin American Liaisons and Consultants. We also rely heavily on the information and cooperation with ALFIM (The umbrella association of all Medical Physics Associations of the different countries in Latin America). This presentation is based on their contributions. Results: There is a large diversity in the status of Medical Physics practice in the different countries of Latin America. As expected, this discrepancy is mostly due to the different economy status in Latin American countries. However, in many instances the economic deficiencies are somehow compensated by the great creativity of medical physicists in the region. A large credit must be given to the extensive work of the IAEA and IOMP in the education and practice of the profession of medical physics in different countries of Latin America. Conclusions: LAASC always places emphasis on divulging to the Latin America medical physicists the professional and educational opportunities as well as the medical physics literature available through the AAPM website. Through the realization of ISEP workshops it has also been possible to exchange scientific information on the state of the art of the practice of medical physics, and also to divulge AAPM programs available to countries in development, such as PIP, International Affiliate, access to Medical Physics Journal and AAPM protocols, to name a few. We believe that through cooperation and work together with ALFIM, the AAPM could contribute to make a sustainable impact to the medical physics profession in Latin American Countries.Learning Objectives:1. Understand the fundamental problems associated with the different medical physics practice levels encountered in Latin America2. To become familiar with on‐going work in developing countries in Latin America in relation to medical physics education and professional recognition.3. Learn how the AAPM could make a sustainable impact.