Формирование культуры статусных похорон в татарском обществе в 1910–1940-х гг.

This volume includes eight studies of faith and giving for youth and emerging adults. Combined,we find organizational, cultural, institutional, educational, informal, familial, and developmentalinfluences on the shape and contours of youth and emerging adult faith and giving. These studiesprovide some challenges to popular interpretations of Millennials, and to the ways researchers typicallystudy religiosity and charitable giving. Accounting for the greater demographic and cultural diversityof Millennials may require changes to interpretations of young people by religious and spiritualleaders, parents, and scholars.

This chapter analyzes some of the dramatic and much-discussed changes in modalities of religious expression, including ways of being Muslim and modes of belonging in contemporary Mali, a secular state ( laic on the French model) whose population is overwhelmingly Muslim. I do not directly address the 2012 Islamist takeover of northern Mali that received considerable international media attention, particularly when Islamists destroyed Muslim saints’ tombs in places like Timbuktu, but rather broader transformations in relation to which those developments must be understood. This is part of a larger ongoing effort inspired by the work of Max Weber in such works as Economy and Society (1978) as well as some of Weber's interpreters to grapple with how “religion” and “economy” intersect and influence each other over time. Religion and economy – abstractions for understanding religious and economic practices – have long been deeply intertwined in this part of West Africa, perhaps most notably in the direct involvement of Muslim scholars and religious leaders in such economic activities as the precolonial trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt, and slaves that spanned centuries (see Lydon 2009). What I want to do here is build upon some of my earlier analysis of religion and economy in Mali to understand religion in the current era. However, I would like to emphasize the need to proceed cautiously in any such discussion of religion and economy. Rather than treating religion, as in some older models, as a mere function of political economy, a form of adaptation or resistance, or culture, for example, in reified, static notions of “African Islam” or African “traditional” religion, as I argue, one must analyze religion – understood as discourses and practices encompassing modalities of religious expression – as a heterogeneous field in which there is considerable debate, contestation, and transformation. Arguing against equally simplistic and teleological models of Islamization, reform, and totalizing notions of ethical self-fashioning, I draw on research on transformations in religious practice to propose new ways of thinking about religion that foreground how religious practice has changed in the context of Mali's neoliberal reforms.

BackgroundIt is crucial to consider cultural, religious, and socio-behavioural factors that may influence the acceptability of Minimally Invasive Tissues Sampling (MITS). MITS is being used to understand the causes of child death and conducted in nine countries within Africa and South Asia with the highest child mortality. Progress has been made in the development of laboratory infrastructures and training for physicians to do MITS, but many communities are concerned about the religious acceptability of taking samples from deceased children. This paper explores the acceptability of MITS in a predominantly Muslim community.MethodsA qualitative study was conducted in Kersa and Harar, in Eastern Ethiopia between April 23, 2018 and April 21, 2019 where high child mortality rates have been recorded. The study involved interviews and focus groups with 76 participants, including mothers, elders, and religious leaders. In addition, observations were conducted at burial ceremonies and in grieving families’ homes. Grounded theory framework is used in this article to understand the acceptability of postmortem MITS.ResultsWe explore cultural, religious, and socio-behavioural barriers and facilitators that may influence the acceptability of minimally invasive tissue sampling. We identify three themes relating to the acceptability of MITS: (1) Perceptions and rituals related to child death (2), Religious acceptance of post-mortem investigation, and (3) Fears and suspicions of organ theft and body mutilation. Most participants hypothetically accepted MITS, but suggested that the procedure consider religious practices. Religious leaders and parents stated that they would accept the procedure if it would help reduce child deaths. Acceptance is inconsistent and differs across time and place. Some villages accepted the procedure swiftly, only to change their views when they became aware of suspicions from other villages about the procedure disfiguring the body. Parents of deceased children were concerned that taking samples from the children’s bodies would delay the burial.ConclusionsMortality surveillance requires a thorough understanding of the cultural, religious, and sociocultural aspects that may affect the acceptability of MITS. MITS research should be conducted close to communities, involving community members, incorporating religious perspectives, and promoting health outreach campaigns to facilitate sociocultural perceptions of the research activities.

This study aims to identify the various socio-cultural conditions of Tolaki people in Konawe that often engaging in inter-family conflict. The process of identifying the socio-cultural conditions leads to find the correlation between socio-cultural conditions and the types of inter-family conflicts and how they get resolved at the community level. Religious leaders are part of the efforts of solving the conflicts. In addition, this study is also aimed to determine and analyze the types of inter-family conflicts that exist and the processes for conflict resolution among families in the Tolaki in Konawe. The research data is based on two categories of informant; traditional leaders and ordinary informants that are public figures such as religious leaders, government officials within the scope of sub-district, village, and community members both at the level of individuals, families, and communities. The traditional leaders get involved in conflict resolution while public figures have experience on dealing with such conflicts and are sometime involved in a conflict. The work indicates that the conflicts in the Tolaki people take the form of closed and open conflicts. While the sources or the causes of the conflict come from tulura (speech), peowai (actions), and powaihako (behavior). The sources of the conflict then are manifested in the daily life of Tolaki people and become sisala'aineperapua (conflict in marriage), sisala'aine hapo-hapo (conflict by treasure), and conflict in social relations. Social and cultural conditions that often lead to inter-family conflicts are the difference in social strata, economic inequality, and religious differences. Tolaki People then settle their conflict through the expertise and charisma of religious and cultural leaders by the completion of melanggahako, mesokei, peohala, mombopoo'rai, sombalabu, and mosehe.

The introduction presents the book’s core argument that contemporary African American and Caribbean women writers advocate for a reassessment of economic, social, and political practices within US and Caribbean societies while leading readers to greater class consciousness. Specifically, they use what is coined a “cross- class relationship trope” as a central way to critique class inequalities of their respective nations and class division within African American and Caribbean communities. The introduction also provides the book’s theoretical framework and methodological approach before offering a historical review of the development of class dynamics in African American and Caribbean thought and the complexity of defining class and examining issues of class. Finally, it provides an overview of the book’s organization. The book is separated into two parts: the first part focuses on African American literature and the second part concentrates on Caribbean literature, specifically on Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Each chapter highlights class inequality or division, and the cross-class relationship trope is a connective thread throughout.

Controversies surrounding the handling of corpses have been amplified during the present COVID-19 pandemic. According to Indonesian scholars, certain perspectives driving these controversies inhibit the implementation of health protocols issued by the government. This study comprehensively explores the diverse perceptions and responses of religious leaders regarding COVID-19 funeral management. Participants comprised six scholars from major Islamic religious organizations, two community leaders, and two families representing COVID-19 patients. Furthermore, content analysis was used to analyze the data. The results showed that the religious leaders, all men aged over 50 years, supported the health directives designed to reduce high transmission risk. However, there were substantial disparities in corpse preparation processes, potentially due to organizational beliefs around burial rites. Some religious leaders aligned their protocols with their religious beliefs. Conversely, families of the deceased insisted that the approved protocol for handling corpses went against their religious and cultural values. Therefore, promotion of protocols and coordination among the government, religious leaders, and the community are needed to decrease the misperceptions and misinformation surrounding the new COVID-19 funeral protocols.

This paper examines the contribution of religion to environmental sustainability, paying attention to the impact of religious beliefs, religious practices, and religious leaders in the context of the Khunjerab National Park (KNP) in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan.Using structural equation modeling (SEM), this study analyses data gathered from 500 respondents in KNP to examine the relationship between religious beliefs, religious practices, religious leaders, and environmental sustainability.The results show a strong positive relationship between religious beliefs and environmental sustainability (path coefficient = 0.516), indicating that in this sample, those with more devout beliefs were more likely to act pro-environmentally.Religiosity does have a significant effect on environmental sustainability (coefficient path = 0.454), suggesting that although they are significant cultural phenomena, their role in the adoption of sustainable practices is also paramount.The impact of religious leaders is also noteworthy, as the relatively high path coefficient of 0.400 underlines the importance of religious leadership in inspiring communities to pursue sustainable practices.The model accounts for 90.3% variance in environmental sustainability behaviors (R = 0.903), meaning the combined influences of religious beliefs, practices, and leadership provide a strong explanatory scope over environmental actions.The findings have significant implications for environmental policy and religious communities.

BackgroundUganda has low levels of death registration, estimated at two per cent by the National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA). There are 56 tribes and over 5 religious denominations with so many social norms and religious practices that could have contributed to low death registration in Uganda. Previous studies on the factors affecting death registration have not assessed the contribution of social norms and religious practices toward low death registration in developing countries.MethodsA qualitative study design was adopted to examine the contribution of social norms and religious practices toward low death registration in the 3 Health and Demographic Surveillance systems (HDSS) sites of Uganda. The methods of data collection included: focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and a document review of the death registration booklet. 6 FGDs, 2 from each HDSS site were conducted comprising 1 female FGD of 10 participants and 1 male FGD of 10 participants. In addition, 26 key informant interviews were conducted with the district leaders, local council leaders, health care workers, cultural leaders, elderly, HDSS scouts and religious leaders in the 3 HDSS sites.ResultsIn the 4 sub-counties and 1 town council where the study was conducted, only 32 deaths were registered with NIRA, the Civil Registration authority in Uganda for the entire year from 1st January to 31st December 2020. The study shows that social norms and religious practices have contributed to the low death registration in the 3 HDSS sites in Uganda. Social norms and religious practices either hinder or discourage death registration initiatives by the government of Uganda. It was found out that burials that take place on the same day of death discourage death registration. Cultural taboo to announcing the death of infants, neonates, twins and suicides in the community hinder death registration. The burying of a woman at her parent's house after bride price payment default by the family of a husband discourages death registration. The religious institutions have their own set of rules, practices, and norms, which in most cases discourage death registration. For example, religious leaders refuse to lead funeral prayers for non-active members in religious activities. Results also showed that mixed religions in families bring about conflicts that undermine death registration. Lastly, results showed that traditionalists do not seek medical treatment in hospitals and this hinders death registration at the health facilities.ConclusionThe study shows that death registration is very low in the 3 HDSS sites in Uganda and that social norms and religious practices contribute greatly to the low death registration. To overcome the negative effects of social norms and religious practices, a social behaviour campaign is proposed. In addition, community dialogue should be conducted to identify all negative social norms and religious practices, how they are perpetuated, their effects, and how they can be renegotiated or eliminated to bring about high death registration in the 3 HDSS sites of Uganda. Lastly, there is a need for partnerships with cultural and religious leaders to sensitize community members on the effect of social norms and religious practices on low death registration in the 3 HDSS sites in Uganda.

1. Katherine Gibson and Julie Graham trained as economic geographers. As longtime research partners, they published under the pen name J.K. Gibson-Graham. Julie Graham passed away in 2010.

The exploration of food and ritual unveils a captivating lens through which we can examine the important intersection of cultural, social, and religious practices. Food transcends its role as mere sustenance; it serves as a profound symbol of identity, tradition, and community. Rituals surrounding food often reflect and reinforce cultural values, providing insight into social structures and communal bonds. In many societies, the act of sharing a meal is not only about nourishment but also about creating a sense of belonging and continuity, marking significant life events and collective experiences. These rituals are then reinforced through memory, nostalgia, and shared sensory experiences. Delving into the relationship between food and ritual reveals how dietary customs are intricately woven into the fabric of religious beliefs and practices. These connections illuminate the ways in which food rituals can embody spiritual significance, shaping identities and fostering a sense of divine connection. By examining these intersections, we gain a deeper appreciation for how culinary practices are imbued with meaning, revealing the cultural narratives that inform them. Furthermore, the socio-political dimensions of food and ritual present compelling insights into power dynamics and social hierarchies. Food practices often reflect societal norms and can be a site of both resistance and compliance. The act of preparing and consuming food is laden with cultural significance, which can both challenge and uphold existing structures of authority. By analyzing food practices, and hospitality exchanges, we can discern how they serve as powerful vehicles for negotiating identity, community, and political expression. From a psychological perspective, the interplay between food and ritual offers a rich exploration of the human experience. Our dietary choices and rituals are influenced by psychological mechanisms that shape our understanding of self and community. The study of food practices in familial contexts further emphasizes the role of culinary traditions in forging relationships and transmitting cultural values across generations. Here, food acts as a medium for expressing love, care, and identity, often reflecting deeper gender roles and societal changes. While not technically food, per se, the role of drink in rituals underscores the complexity of cultural expressions. Whether alcoholic or non-alcoholic, beverages often carry symbolic meanings that enhance social cohesion and cultural identity during ceremonies. These practices provide a deeper understanding of how drinking rituals foster connections among individuals and communities, weaving together shared experiences that transcend mere consumption. Ultimately, the study of food and ritual is essential for understanding the myriad ways in which these elements shape human interactions and cultural landscapes. As we explore these dimensions, we uncover not only the richness of culinary traditions but also the profound implications they hold for identity, community, and the human condition.

ed from the ideal of public commitment, the new authoritarianism represents a political and economic practice and form of militarism that loosen the connections among substantive democracy, critical agency, and critical education. In opposition to the rising tide of authoritarianism, educators across the globe must make a case for linking learning to progressive social change while struggling to pluralize and critically engage the diverse sites where public pedagogy takes place. In part, this suggests forming alliances that can make sure every sphere of social life is recognized as an important site of the political, social, and cultural struggle that is so crucial to any attempt to forge the knowledge, identifi cations, effective investments, and social relations that constitute political subjects and social agents capable of energizing and spreading the basis for a substantive global democracy. Such circumstances require that pedagogy be embraced as a moral and political practice, one that is directive and not dogmatic, an outgrowth of struggles designed to resist the increasing depoliticization of political culture that is the hallmark of the current Bush revolution. Education is the terrain where consciousness is shaped, needs are constructed, and the capacity for individual self-refl ection and broad social change is nurtured and produced. Education has assumed an unparalleled signifi cance in shaping the language, values, and ideologies that legitimize the structures and organizations that support the imperatives of global capitalism. Efforts to reduce it to a technique or methodology set aside, education remains a crucial site for the production and struggle over those pedagogical and political conditions that provide the possibilities for people to develop forms of agency that enable them individually and collectively to intervene in the processes through which the material relations of power shape the meaning and practices of their everyday lives. Within the current historical context, struggles over power take on a symbolic and discursive as well as a material and institutional form. The struggle over education is about more than the struggle over meaning and identity; it is also about how meaning, knowledge, and values are produced, authorized, and made operational within economic and structural relations of power. Education is not at odds with politics; it is an important and crucial element in any defi nition of the political and offers not only the theoretical tools for a systematic critique of authoritarianism but also a language of possibility for creating actual movements for democratic social change and a new biopolitics that affi rms life rather than death, shared responsibility rather than shared fears, and engaged citizenship rather than the stripped-down values of consumerism. At stake here is combining symbolic forms and processes conducive to democratization with broader social contexts and the institutional formations of power itself. The key point here is to understand and engage educational and pedagogical practices from the point of view of how they are bound up with larger relations of power. Educators, students, and parents need to be clearer about how power works through and in texts, representations, and discourses, while at the same time recognizing that power cannot be limited to the study of representations and discourses, even at the level of public policy. Changing consciousness is not the same as altering the institutional basis of oppression; at the same time, institutional reform cannot take place without a change in consciousness capable of recognizing not only injustice but also the very possibility for reform, the capacity to reinvent the conditions 57. Maureen Dowd, “The Red Zone,” New York Times, 4 November 2004. 58. David Theo Goldberg, “The Sovereign Smirk,” Open Democracy, 3 November 2004, 3.

BackgroundFemale genital mutilation and cutting (FGM/C, herein FGM) is a widespread and harmful practice. The Government developed a national campaign in Sudan, called Saleema, to change social norms discouraging FGM. Saleema translates to being “whole”, healthy in body and mind, unharmed, intact, pristine, and untouched, in a God-given condition. An interim evaluation was conducted using focus groups among Sudanese adults. The primary aim was to explore perceptions of the Saleema poster exemplars and to assess if the desired themes were being communicated. Secondary aims were to understand more about participants’ information sources, values, and suggestions for the campaign broadly.MethodsThe Saleema campaign evaluation included four focus groups from each of the 18 states in Sudan (72 total). Participants were presented with three poster stimuli from the Saleema campaign and asked about the content and their reactions. Themes were coded inductively by concepts that arose through content in the transcripts. Codes were also reviewed in conjunction with themes from the broader Saleema evaluation framework.ResultsParticipants reported the most common source of information or admiration was from local leaders who are responsive to a community, media-based outlets, and discussions among community members. Participants held high value for education, community solidarity, and/or religious devotion. Participants had positive opinions of Saleema and responded positively to the branding elements in the posters and the campaign as a whole. The most common suggestion was continued awareness. Advocacy, training, and posters were suggested to highlight the harms of FGM through leaders or in community settings. Individuals suggested that these activities target older women and individuals in rural villages. There was also a burgeoning theme of targeting youth for support of the campaign.DiscussionThe results of this focus group analysis demonstrate support for future Saleema campaign efforts promoting awareness and community engagement. The campaign could capitalize on partnerships with young people and those who are respected in the community (e.g., religious leaders) or continue promoting common values aligning with the support of education and community solidarity. Continuing campaign efforts have promise to decrease the harms of FGM in Sudan.

In many parts of the world, Pentecostalism is becoming the fastest growing religious movement. As a result of migration, people from Asia, Africa and Latin America carry religious ideas and practices across borders, in other cases, migrants establish religious networks in the diaspora. However, while embracing newcomers from various backgrounds, Pentecostal believers constantly cross cultural boundaries by incorporating people from different ethnic, national and language backgrounds. While Pentecostal charismatic practitioners blurr boundaries in many situations, simultaneously, they create 'bright boundaries' by rejecting 'traditional' religious practices, imagined as the Other of Pentecostalism and thus to be eliminated. By referring to the concept of boundaries (Barth 1969; Alba (Ethnic and Racial Studies 1:20-69, 2005)) this article argues that charismatic Pentecostal Christianity, alongside its embracing practices with regard to social, ethnic and political boundaries, generates religious boundaries: First, church members reject "traditional" religious practices such as ancestor veneration and spirit possession, practices migrants carry across borders. Second, Pentecostal believers create boundaries towards those who split from the church. By exploring the ambiguities of migrant converts, I will investigate, how some of them subvert and reject control and authority exerted by religious leaders. Therefore, this article, based on ethnographic fieldwork among Vietnamese Pentecostalists, contributes to widely underresearched practices of boundary making and church splitting in the diaspora.

Evaluating religious leadership has become increasingly important amid decreasing religious participation, declining trust in religious leaders, and rising reports of abuse of power. A clear understanding of what constitutes effective religious leadership is needed to help religious practitioners, communities, and educators reflect on and improve current leadership practices, while also offering important scientific insights into the processes and dynamics behind religious leadership. A common practice in research and in practice has been to focus on growth. Effective religious leaders are those leading growing communities. While this is uninspiring for leaders facing decline, it also presents a one-sided view of religious leadership. To address this, the current dissertation presents a multidimensional model for (e)valuating religious leadership that emphasizes the dynamic interactions between the religious leader, individual followers, and the congregation. As such, evaluating has a dual meaning in this research project, reflecting its two main goals: (1) to complement the current empirical evidence on religious leadership by examining the role and value of religious leaders in religious communities (valuation), and (2) to explore new and more comprehensive methods for evaluating religious leadership effectiveness (evaluation). Throughout this dissertation, I develop the building blocks of this model, guided by the following research question: ‘What constitutes effective leadership in religious congregations, and how can it be (e)valuated?’ With this, the current research project aims to promote a more nuanced and context-sensitive evaluation of the effectiveness of religious leadership. An approach that will hopefully inspire religious leaders and congregations to reflect on and enhance their leadership practices, ultimately contributing to more vital and healthy religious communities. In a time of growing polarization with strong ideological and religious roots, the current results also highlight the significant social and relational role of religious leaders, emphasizing their importance in fostering community and nurturing a sense of belonging within their congregations, and ideally, also beyond.

Abstract: The purpose of this research is to identify, analyze and understand the Elite strategies, community participation and the implications of elite strategies and community participation on the results of the Regional Election. The theory used in this research is the theory of social practice by Pierre Bourdieu, methodologically this research is a qualitative research by collecting the data using observation and in-depth interviews technique. The results of this study indicate that the TERBAIK candidate pair fully empowers political elites and party elites in socializing to become campaign teams, empowers volunteer teams and approaches religious elites and civil elites. The pair of candidates for TERBAIK has also built good communication so that they have the full support of two former Muna Regents who still have a strong mass among the Muna community, namely the former Muna Regent for the 2000-2010 period and the former Muna Regent for the 2010-2015 period and other bureaucratic elites in Muna Regency. While the RAPI candidate pair did not empower the political elite and their supporting/supporting parties in socializing, the RAPI candidate pair maximized the teams and volunteers that were formed long before the Regional Election stage began and approached the religious elite and the civil elite. Several traditional and religious leaders were involved in practical politics so that there was disharmony between communities after the determination of the winner. The increasing political participation in the Regional Election is because apart from the vigur of the two pairs of candidates, alsi because of material rewards. In winning a candidate pair, the communication that is built is unconsciously influenced by history and the agreement of the Ancestors, affected by the district (ghoera) and social stratification (kaomu and walaka). Keywords: Community Participation, Elite Strategy, Implications, Regional Election Results