Ханна Арендт: Эрос к свободе мышления и любовь к политической свободе = Moreault F. Hannah Arendt: Erôs de la liberté de penser et amour de la liberté politique / пер. с фр. С. А. Жаринова

Almost no attention has been given to Hannah Arendt’s discussion of automation despite her claim that it was of almost unparalleled importance. This article demonstrates how Arendt’s conception of political action came to depend on her assessment of American technological trends following nuclear fission, especially automation and cybernetics. It contextualizes Arendt’s engagement with American interlocutors, showing how this informed her conception of political action in The Human Condition (1958). It is intended to provide some groundwork for further exploration of Arendt’s consideration of how modern technology and politics correlated.

Hannah Arendt's work is of major importance primarily because of the categories of thought she originates, especially her concept of political action. But this concept has frequently been criticized for being irrelevant to, or incapable of comprehending, strategic concerns. This criticism however, is based on a misreading of Arendt on the relationship of specific motives and goals to political action. The critical interpretations of three commentators are considered here: Kirk Thompson, Jürgen Habermas, and Martin Jay. A detailed explication of the relevant texts from Arendt demonstrates the misreading of Arendt on which these criticisms are based and at the same time reveals the subtlety and power of Arendt's conception of the relationship between instrumentality and meaning in political action. Once this relationship is correctly understood, it becomes possible to appreciate the implications of Arendt's work for questions of political strategy.

While the writings of Hannah Arendt have received an extraordinary amount of scholarly attention, few commentators have seen her as a theorist concerned with questions of human rights. I argue that the problem of human rights was central to Arendt's political theory. While she does not elaborate a theory of human rights as such, and while she avoids the juridical approaches so common among human rights theorists and advocates, her conception of political action is intended to secure an elemental human dignity that is systematically jeopardized by the imperatives of national sovereignty.

The figure of the hero in cinematographic and urban spaces: Fear and politics in Ciudad Juarez

This chapter concentrates on social work actions related to the concepts of politics and policy. These concepts, however, are far from self-evident. It uses the concept of political action regardless of what concept has been used in the original texts. The chapter deals with the commitments and challenges linked to the teaching of political issues in social work education. It considers the contents of the education and some of the teaching methods proposed. The chapter summarizes key issues and focuses on the texts from the point of view of the Finnish social work tradition. The relationship between social work and action for social reforms has often been described as ambivalent. In relation to social work education, the loyalty contradictions have been highlighted. In social work education that aims at political activity, there is a need for many kinds of subject contents. All political practice framed by awareness of the ethical commitments of social work.

As crucial elements of green ideology, political participation and inclusiveness have become indispensable to democratic decision-making as green values gained ground across the world. It is often assumed that through the inclusion and participation of more stakeholders, the global environmental governance architecture has become increasingly democratic since the 1990s. This article asks whether civil society participation in the relevant United Nations platforms democratises transnational and global environmental governance, or simply simulates democratic participation without giving stakeholders the chance to contribute to policy decisions. First, building on Hannah Arendt's concept of political action I differentiate forms of participation based on different value systems. Then, following the historical development of participation narratives in the United Nations, I argue that participation has become increasingly instrumentalised and used to conceal other types of institutional change based on efficiency considerations and neoliberal values.

O objetivo deste artigo é refletir sobre o modo como as lutas locais e suas movimentações em torno do discurso dos direitos humanos podem ser alçadas à condição de ação política. Trata-se da tentativa de ampliar o conceito de política tendo em vista a potência de transformação contida nos coletivos de subjetividades portadoras de experiências comuns de violência e sofrimento. Fazendo uso do conceito de quilombo, em Beatriz Nascimento, buscaremos fundamentar o alargamento da ideia de política a partir de duas configurações: a disputa por territórios e a conectividade entre saberes específicos e menores oriundos das lutas. Para tanto, cotejaremos o pensamento da autora com a filosofia contemporânea de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari. Nossa hipótese é a de que o conceito de ação política demandaria um alargamento em sua formulação de modo a abranger as variadas e singulares formas de resistência cotidianas.

Abstract. Times of crisis often call the legitimacy of existing social orders into question. These practices of dispute and debate that question, challenge, or affirm the rules that govern our social life are what constitutes the realm of the political. This article fathoms the potential of a Political Geography that makes political practices its main point of interest. Arendt's political philosophy provides the foundation for a geography of political practices that asks about (a) the way in which the possibility and necessity of the political is tied to the spatiality of our human condition, (b) the relation of political practices to spatial structures and their production of particular places, spaces and scales, and (c) the role which materiality plays in stabilizing, constraining and shaping political practices. Combining insights from Arendt's concept of political action with recent ideas of practice theories, a definition of political practices that relies on three characteristics – reflexivity, perspectivity, and expressivity – is introduced. I will argue that these metapragmatic practices, although they distinguish themselves from pragmatic practices, nevertheless, always remain embedded in and related to the web of our everyday doings.

Democratic Anxieties: Same-Sex Marriage, Death, and Citizenship proceeds from the surprising parallels between straight and gay opponents of same-sex marriage. With their apocalyptic rhetoric they inadvertently point to a frequently neglected, existential dimension of democratic citizenship. Democratic Anxieties argues that we must pay attention to the existential significance of democratic citizenship, because otherwise we end up with anxious democracy-a democracy that cannot fully embrace pluralism, especially when the connections between sex, death, and citizenship are at stake. This book pursues a less anxious conception of democratic citizenship in chapters on Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Hannah Arendt, and Friedrich Nietzsche. Feit reveals how Rousseau diminishes democratic citizenship by linking it to existential consolation via sexual reproduction. He interprets Arendt as a queer theorist, because she rejects the heteronormative pursuit of reproductive immortality. Yet, the hope for immortality persists within Arendt's conception of political action, which delimits its democratic potential. Feit argues that Nietzsche resists both Rousseau's political idealization of heterosexuality and Arendt's anxious alternative. Calling for an affirmation of death, Nietzsche, creatively reimagines sexual as well as cultural reproduction, that is, pluralizes democratic citizenship. The resulting, more existentially aware democratic politics not only contributes to lesbian and gay equality, but is also critical in a post-September 11 world.

This article examines the articulation of Situationist perspectives on art and politics with reference to the cycle of protest, surveillance, detention, scandal, repression and violence which accompanied the theoretical writings and practical activities of the Situationists. The Situationist International (SI) was, by design, a mercurial organization whose existence was marked by clandestine activity, conflict – internally and externally – scandal and subversion in multiple guises. The twin concepts of détournement [hijacking] and récupération [recovery] will be explored to show why the recourse to the terminology of war was more than a commonplace rhetorical trope for the SI. The group’s deployment of militaristic language reflects, first, the real-life attention the Situationists received from the forces of order and, secondly, an antagonism which underpinned their conception of political action. Their eponymous journal or review was not itself a privileged organ of the Situationist International, intellectually or aesthetically, but ‘heavy artillery’ which provided a convenient platform to become known to an active readership.

Previous articleNext article No AccessConstitutional Theory and Political ActionKirk ThompsonKirk Thompson Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 31, Number 3Aug., 1969 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2128491 Views: 7Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1969 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: Charles R. Davis Public Organizational Existence: A Critique of Individualism in Democratic Administration, Polity 22, no.33 (Nov 2016): 397–418.https://doi.org/10.2307/3234756Herman Belz Constitutionalism and Bureaucracy in the 1980's Some Bicentennial Reflections, News for Teachers of Political Science 41 (May 2020): 16–19.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0197901900003767William M. Lafferty Political Participation in the Social-Democratic State A Normative-Empirical Framework for the Analysis of Decision-Making Involvement in Norway, Scandinavian Political Studies 6, no.44 (Dec 1983): 281–308.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1983.tb00285.xJames T Knauer Motive and Goal in Hannah Arendt's Concept of Political Action, American Political Science Review 74, no.33 (Aug 2014): 721–733.https://doi.org/10.2307/1958153 Paul F. Kress Of Action & Virtue: Notes on the Presidency, Watergate, & Liberal Society, Polity 10, no.44 (Nov 2016): 510–523.https://doi.org/10.2307/3234403Herbert G. Reid, Ernest J. Yanarella Political Science and the Post-Modern Critique of Scientism and Domination, The Review of Politics 37, no.33 (Aug 2009): 286–316.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670500024438Herman Belz New Left Reverberations in the Academy: The Antipluralist Critique of Constitutionalism, The Review of Politics 36, no.22 (Aug 2009): 265–283.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670500022592Stephen G. Salkever Virtue, Obligation and Politics, American Political Science Review 68, no.11 (Aug 2014): 78–92.https://doi.org/10.2307/1959743

Enemies and friends: Arendt on the imperial republic at war

ABSTRACTJacques Maritain (1882–1973) is widely recognized as one of the foremost Catholic philosophers of modern times. He wrote groundbreaking works in all branches of philosophy. For a period of about 10 years, beginning in 1933, he discussed matters relating to war and ethics. Writing initially about Gandhi, whose strategy of non-violence he sought to incorporate within a Christian conception of political action, Maritain proceeded to comment more specifically on the religious aspects of armed force in “On Holy War,” an essay about the civil war then ongoing in Spain (1936–1939). After the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, Maritain penned a series of essays that sought to explain why the Anglo–French declarations of war were warranted on Christian just war principles. While the secondary literature on Maritain’s thought is extensive, thus far there has been little systematic exploration of his writings on war. In what follows I seek to remedy this lacuna, by examining how he conceptualized just war in the three phases outlined above.

Rehabilitates Arendt's reputation as a serious political theorist by looking afresh at her work GBS_insertPreviewButtonPopup(['ISBN:9780748668533','ISBN:9780748639021','ISBN:9780748646326','ISBN:9780748675739']); Hannah Arendt's work has been noted for its unorthodox and eclectic style. Steve Buckler now shows that her unusual approach reflects a consistent and distinctive conception of, and way of doing, political theory. Through close readings of her works, Buckler argues that Arendt's work is an important and challenging alternative to the more orthodox methods characteristic of both analytic and post-analytic political theory. Key Features Discusses Arendt's key works - The Origins of Totalitarianism , The Human Condition and On Revolution - alongside her less well known and posthumously published writing Shows how Arendt framed problems with respect to specific concerns in the modern polity and democratic culture Considers Arendt's views on totalitarianism, political theory, the concept of action, revolutions, political ethics, and the role of the thinker "

Hannah Arendt's work has been noted for its unorthodox and eclectic style. This book aims to show that her unusual approach in fact reflects a consistent and distinctive conception of, and way of doing, political theory. This is established through close readings of her most influential works. In light of these readings, the book argues that Arendt's work is of continuing relevance in offering an important and challenging alternative to the more orthodox methods that are characteristic of modern political theory in both its analytical and post-analytical forms. The book discusses Arendt's key works — The Origins of Totalitarianism, The Human Condition and On Revolution — alongside her less-well-known and posthumously published writing; shows how Arendt framed problems with respect to specific concerns in the modern polity and democratic culture; and considers Arendt's views on totalitarianism, political theory, the concept of action, revolutions, political ethics and the role of the thinker.